International Journal of Korean History

International Journal of Korean History

Basic info

  • Publisher: Korea University, Center for Korean History
  • Country of publisher: korea, republic of
  • Date added to EuroPub: 2018/May/12

Subject and more

  • LCC Subject Category: History
  • Publisher's keywords: Korean History
  • Language of fulltext: english
  • Full-text formats available: PDF, HTML, ePUB, Other

Publication charges

  • Article Processing Charges (APCs): No
  • Submission charges: No
  • Waiver policy for charges? No

Editorial information

Open access & licensing

  • Type of License: CC BY-NC
  • License terms
  • Open Access Statement: Yes
  • Year open access content began: 2000
  • Does the author retain unrestricted copyright? False
  • Does the author retain publishing rights? False

Best practice polices

  • Permanent article identifier: DOI
  • Content digitally archived in: Other
  • Deposit policy registered in: None

This journal has '224' articles

Zainichi Chōsenjin and the Independence Movement in Everyday Life

Zainichi Chōsenjin and the Independence Movement in Everyday Life

Authors: Jinseok Choi
( 12 downloads)
Abstract

“Zainichi(在日, Migrants from Korea),” “Kankokujin(韓國人),” “Chosenjin(朝鮮人),” “Korean,” I have long been concerned about how I should refer to myself within Japanese society. Should I introduce myself as Zainichi, Kankokujin, Ch?senjin, or Korean? The task of introducing myself may appear to be a simple one. However, it is in fact a complex matter whose roots can be traced back some 100 years. This issue became even more complex after Kim jong-il(Kim Ch?ngil) officially admitted that North Korea had abducted Japanese citizens during the Chos?n (North Korea)-Japan summit held in P’y?ngyang on September 17, 2002. Japanese society, which approached the issue from the standpoint of the unity of the government and people, was predominantly critical of North Chos?n (North Korea). This essay searches for the identity of the Zainichi Ch?senjin that is embedded in the past and present.

Keywords: Zainichi Chōsenjin, Chōsenjin, Chosŏn saram
“The August Incident” and the Destiny of the Yanan Faction

“The August Incident” and the Destiny of the Yanan Faction

Authors: Guangxi Jin
( 57 downloads)
Abstract

The Korean independence movement in China is widely divided into the Guerrilla Faction active in northern China (Manchuria) and the Independence Alliance in mainland China. The Yanan Faction boasted the closest ties to the Chinese Communist Party and was from an organizational standpoint linked to the Korean Independence Alliance and Korean Volunteer Army. The core members of the Yanan Faction belonged to the original Korean Volunteer Army or to the Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army; others were officers in the Eighth Route Army that served as a unit of the National Revolutionary Army of the Republic of China. As clearly exposed by the internal struggle that erupted in 1943, the Yanan Faction, which bore the characteristics of a unified front, was never as unified as the Guerrilla Faction. Both the Guerrilla Faction led by Kim Il-sung (Kim Ilsŏng) and the Yanan Faction led by Kim Tubong and Mu Chŏng played important roles in post-liberation North Korea. Because the new regime in North Korea was established with the support of the Soviet Army, the leaders of the Yanan Faction, who had maintained a close relationship with Communist China, found themselves serving as a background force that helped to prop up the Kim Il-sung regime. This outcome was the direct result of the internal relationships that existed within the Soviet-led socialist camp during the early Cold War. The Yanan Faction and some members of the Soviet Faction were purged from the Workers’ Party for being critical of Kim Il-sung in August 1956. Some of the members of the Yanan Faction were exiled to China. On September 18 of that same year, Mao Zedong held discussions with a Soviet delegation led by Anastas Mikoyan, during which time the decision was made to dispatch a delegation to North Korea. Mao Zedong predicted the possibility that Kim Il-sung would see the dispatch of this delegation as internal interference, and even considered the withdrawal of support troops. During talks with a delegation of the North Korean Workers’ Party led by Ch΄oe Yonggŏn, Mao Zedong criticized the purges of Pak Ilwu and Pang Hosan, demanded that a dialogue be opened with comrades who had differing opinions, and called for the release of arrested comrades. He also notified the Korean side of the imminent dispatch of a Sino-Soviet delegation. China was at the forefront of Far East affairs within the socialist camp before and after the outbreak of the Korean War. As such, Mao Zedong adopted an active stance during the early stages of the ‘August Incident’ of 1956. Sino-North Korean relations were at the time determined not by the actions of the Soviet Union, but rather by China’s approach to the prevailing problems and the solutions it offered up. Although North Korea on the surface appeared during the meeting of the Central Committee of the North Korean Workers’ Party to accept the demands that had been made by China and the Soviet Union during the people’s assembly held in September, it nevertheless refused to grant amnesty to the ringleaders of the "August Incident." Even the interference of a Sino-Soviet delegation could not return the situation to what it had been prior to the ‘August Incident.’ After October 1956, Kim Il-sung was able to overcome the crisis and even further strengthen his ‘anti-factional struggle’ designed to purge the Yanan and Soviet Factions. Mao Zedong, whose interference proved to be of little assistance, interpreted this situation as highlighting Kim Il-sung’s strong independent streak. For various reasons, China was unable to distance itself from Kim Il-sung. In this regard, it came to view the silencing of the exiled Yanan Faction members as the price to be paid for the continuation of Sino-North Korean relations. The fundamental cause of the downfall of the Yanan Faction was the power structure that prevailed within the socialist camp. It was the composition of the socialist camp that determined the Yanan Faction’s eventual purge and even destruction at the hands of the Kim Il-sung led Guerrilla Faction. China’s reluctance to actively interfere in North Korean affairs proved to be another reason for the Yanan Faction’s collapse. Mao Zedong and China needed the support of North Korea to emerge victorious in the campaign to assume leadership within the socialist camp, and as such was not willing to cause a worsening of the Sino-North Korean relationship because of what it perceived as unnecessary interference. The lack of unity caused by the failure to assume leadership and grasp military power in North Korea ultimately proved to be the main cause of the collapse of the Yanan Faction. With the downfall of the Yanan Faction, North Korea took a decisive step toward uniformity.

Keywords: Yanan Faction, August Incident of 1956, Guerilla Faction, Kim Il-sung
Global History and East Asia : A Late Chosŏn Perspective

Global History and East Asia : A Late Chosŏn Perspective

Authors: Nae-hyun Kwon / Joseph Jeong-il Lee
( 34 downloads)
Abstract

Some Asia historians have recently argued for a new understanding of global history by reexamining how the European countries took the lead in making modern civilization and capitalism, specifically concentrating on historical exchanges between Europe and Asia from the 17 th to 18th centuries. The European countries, according to these scholars, learned far more from their contact with Asia than is conventionally known, to the point of building the groundwork for the early shape of modern civilization in Europe. This way of looking at Europe and China on the same level is relevant both for a future-oriented discussion on symmetric perspectives in the shape of early modern history. However, global historians do not seem to effectively deal with the problem of the established Eurocentric interpretation. In this paper, we argue that the globalist frontage on convergence is not to neglect divergence but maintain the co-operation of convergence and divergence together from a balanced perspective. To be specific, the analytic unit of comparison should move further into the history of Asia, East Asia, and even more specific narrower locales so as to shed light on the working of convergence and divergence in the unfolding of modern civilization. The above approves us to catechize afresh such crucial subject matters as power relations, cultural order, collective identity and historiography 1) within the 2) context of specific locale, 2) in the historical setting of continental East Asia, and 3) along with the advent of modern civilization. In light of this, we revisit the issue of collective identity in late Chos?n from the 17th to 18th centuries, and briefly discuss how Chos?n actors, specifically state and ruling elites, developed the collective identity of Chos?n herself without breaking the long-standing partnership with the China-led world order and civilization in continental East Asia. This paper stays away from any debate over a Korean prototype of modern nation-state or a pristine non-Confucian nativism contrary to Confucianism during the periods. Instead, it takes on the issue in such a way as to understand the vivid process of interactions displaying one layer of convergence(universal civilization/imperium) and divergence (accommodation/sovereignty) within the East Asia of the time. This paradigm will help us to look not only at the dynamic workings of globalism and localism in East Asia, but also the larger scale of the convergence-divergence frame that opens up a coexistence of the West-focused, Asia-focused, East Asia-focused. China-focused, and Korea-focused perspectives in a truer sense of world history.

Keywords: Collective Identity, Convergence, Divergence, Eurocentrism, Global History, Historiography of World History, Late Chosŏn
The Historical Recognition of Japanese Neo-Nationalism

The Historical Recognition of Japanese Neo-Nationalism

Authors: Gyu Soo Yi
( 10 downloads)
Abstract

In this thesis, I will examine the actual situation of distorted historical consciousness which has been spread in Japanese society and analyze how this has been encouraged through the Neo-Nationalism-related websites. Especially, I will concentrate that the various opinions given on the website are reflected in the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform (abbreviated as HTR) textbook. Also, I’d like to review all conditions of Japanese society, and take into account the powered people who have allowed this to happen. The ‘Liveralist view of history’ is the home country-centric view of history. Intellectuals of ‘Liberalist view of history’ criticize that many history textbooks contain only the dark side of Japan by emphasizing Japan’s imperialistic invasion, the colony rule, and war crimes in modern-contemporary history. They insist that it should be an ‘anti-Japan’ description of history. The HTR’s views have directly affected the postwar generation’s historical knowledge, and have encouraged right-wing organizations. The HTR’s propagation of distorted historical recognition through various media would have a negative influence on Japan’s own people as well as on all East-Asians. The recognition and attitude of Japanese Neo-Nationalists on the past history is dishonest and prejudiced. With the negative attitude on the East-Asian peace, the revision of the Peace Constitution and the revision of the Basic Education Act are involved in the political agenda, and the principles of education have been put at risk. Under the pretext of ‘patriotism,’ a lot of politicians insist on the revision of the constitution and the amendment of fundamental education law. They assert that Japan must accept the self-defense forces as the military. Such assertions are spread through diverse websites. This is a very serious problem, because the assertion of this ‘Liberalist view of history’ is generally accepted by people without any criticism. The public’s emotional agreement, affected by the distorted ideology of its website and textbook, will accelerate Japan’s dialogue on the military reconstruction. We must not overlook that the Neo-Nationalist movement whitewashes Japanese history to explain its society’s identity crisis, and revives Japanese military resurgence.

Keywords: colonial rule, war responsibility, post-war compensation, distorted historical consciousness, Neo-Nationalism, Liberalist view of history
An Analysis of the Autobiographies of the Massacre Victims' Bereaved Families in the Period of the Korean War : A Storytelling of Family as Accusation Poliltics

An Analysis of the Autobiographies of the Massacre Victims' Bereaved Families in the Period of the Korean War : A Storytelling of Family as Accusation Poliltics

Authors: Moo Yong Kim
( 14 downloads)
Abstract

Some families among the civilian massacre victims' bereaved families have published their autobiographies and life histories where their own personal histories have been organized. The meaning of autobiography and life history in the research of state violence or civilian massacre is different from general oral testimony. The autobiographies and biographies of the victim's bereaved families have strong merits, which can make us understand the problems or relations among personal pains and family, society, and state violence through a victim's personal life, experience, and history. The important characteristics of the victim's bereaved autobiographies are related to the storytelling subject. The main focus of storytelling or narratives are still his/her family or parents. The family was the only space where the bereaved could not only live their own daily lives, but also share and tell their resentment and pain. It could give them consolation and healing through the understanding and sharing of their scars and pains in the context of the state's and society's denial or avoidance of civilian massacres. The meaning of family to the bereaved was a life community against the state or society, which led to the massacre or remained as spectators. The autobiographies and life histories of the victim's bereaved has drawn the personal resistance and silence against state violence and social adaptation. The bereaved who experienced the massacre or state violence suffered from feeling impotent at the time. Their fears of state violence continued to silence. The silence of the bereaved was one type of social adaptation and survival. On the other hand, it meant the internalization of resistance or speechless defiance. Considering the life histories of the victims' bereaved by state violence, they showed over-adaptation to state and society. This was a general phenomenon with exceptional representation, but did not mean that they lost their identities and stopped their resistance against state violence. The massacre victims' bereaved families were conflicted in their inner mind to accept their identities, and this developed to a type of victims' consciousness. Their identities were formed by the social stigma that they were children of the reds. State policy and social prejudice made the bereaved families continuously agonize about themselves and their identities as the children of the victims. The identity of the bereaved was not a simple result of a person's inner reflection, but was formed in relation with the outer world, like state and society. The formation of the identities of the bereaved was revealed with various shapes in chasing the perpetrators and seeking truth, and participating in related group. In conclusion, the autobiographies of the bereaved families are forms of writing or telling of the family as politics of accusation. The testimony or storytelling in their books is a building process for producing their own narratives and subjects and confirming process to their own worlds. The bereaved's autobiography is an accusation story that they confirmed their identities as the family of the victims who was massacred by the state, and revealed the damage to family to society. In the light of this point, the autobiographies of the bereaved families are spaces for accusation politics and even realization of resistance politics. From this point, we can think of the subversive meaning of writing politics or storytelling politics through autobiographies.

Keywords: accusation politics, adaptation, autobiography politics, bereaved family, identity, life history, massacre, memory, oral testimony, state violence, storytelling, truth-seeking
Raising the Issue of ‘Modernity’ : ‘Colonial modernity’ theory as advanced by Japanese Korean Studies scholars and the background thereof

Raising the Issue of ‘Modernity’ : ‘Colonial modernity’ theory as advanced by Japanese Korean Studies scholars and the background thereof

Authors: Takashi Mitsui
( 87 downloads)
Abstract

The manner in which the relationship between the colonial rule/period and ‘modernity’ should be perceived has been a hot-button issue in studies on the colonial period in Korea. Particular attention has been paid by some scholars to the issue of the historical image and perception of the notions of ‘modernization’ and ‘modernity’ during the colonial period,1 and to their importance beyond the field of Korean historical studies. In addition, attempts have also been made to establish a historical image of the colonial period that extends beyond the narrow sphere of historical studies. This trend has been facilitated by the spread of the cultural historical studies that have sprung up to replace the focus on the nation-state and the influence of post-colonial theory. These tendencies have been particularly evident in the movement to discuss colonial modernity. Attempts have already been made to introduce and summarize this trend.2 However, what in essence is the discourse on ‘colonial modernity’ about? The differing interpretations of this term have resulted in the discourse being marked by a sense of chaos and entanglement. Although in large part motivated by the inherent characteristics of ‘colonial modernity,’ this situation is also related to the fact that there have been few instances in which these issues have been approached based on an in-depth analysis of concrete historical facts. This study begins by reviewing the trends in the related studies so as to summarize the main issues. Thereafter, in order to develop a more concrete image of the acceptance and criticism of ‘colonial modernity’ in the field of Korean historical studies in Japan, the focus is shifted to the characteristics of the March 1st Independence Movement and the issues related to Korean intellectuals’ ‘pro-Japanese’ activities and opinions in the aftermath of the Sino-Japanese War.

Keywords: ‘Modernity’, ‘Colonial modernity’
On the Date of the Coin Pattern Pottery in Korea

On the Date of the Coin Pattern Pottery in Korea

Authors: Zheng Wei
( 12 downloads)
Abstract

The two ancient city sites-Feng Na and Meng Cun are very famous in Korean archaeological and historical research. Due to lack of history document, the building time of these two sites are commonly inferred from the Chinese coin-patterned pottery and porcelain which were digged out there. The paper-On The Early Coin-patterned Pottery and porcelain Unearthed in East Asia, as a representative paper written by china scholars, points out that the first building time of Feng Na and Meng Cun city sites could be dated back to Dongjin Dynasty, because the Chinese coin-patterned pottery and porcelain discovered there possessing many characters of that time. But the date of the crucial material evidence-coin-patterned pottery as storing vessel excavated from Zhen Jiang city can not be determined as Dongjin Dynasty, the possibilty of early or late than Dongjin Dynasty is both existed. The Chinese coin-patterned pottery and porcelain discovered in Feng Na city site are more than 30 articles, and are all more than 50 centimetre high. These vessels may be made in some place in China in one time, and transported to Korean, eventually reached the royal city of Baiji as a whole. The situtation of early period in Dongjin Dynasty was very messy, the Dongjin government not only faced the war intimidation from the north, but also had much problems such as government rebuilding, aristocrat or warlord rebelling, economical crisis, etc. So the Dongjin government can not keep or develop foreign relationship with southern part of Korean Peninsula. The celadons of the middle and late periods of Dongjin Dynasty are discovered repeatedly from tombs or city sites in Korean, but there almost no early period pieces found. This fact supports the idea that no intercourse between early Dongjin Dynasty and Korean . It was difficult too in West Jin Dynasty for large scale trade between southern part of China and Korean. Dongwu Dynasty may be the most proper time for those coin-patterned pottery and porcelain carried to Korean. In order to resist Wei Dynasty, Dongwu Government tried to develop foreign relationship with Liaodong government, and Le Lang-the neighbour area of Korean was controlled by Liaodong government some time. The Chinese coin-patterned pottery and porcelain may be conveyed to Korean by Dongwu Government in this period. After Dongwu Dynasty, the southern part of China lost power to develop foreign relationship with other countries, so the possibilty of coin-patterned pottery and porcelain sent to Korean in West Jin Dynasty is almost non-existed.

Keywords: Date, coin pattern pottery in Korea, Pungnaptoseong, Mongchontoseong
On the Metallic Buckle with a Round Front and Square Rear Unearthed in East Asia

On the Metallic Buckle with a Round Front and Square Rear Unearthed in East Asia

Authors: Xiaotian Fang
( 52 downloads)
Abstract

The metallic buckle with a round front and square rear is a kind of belt accessory from the Han and Wei-Jin dynasties. This kind of belt has been unearthed in China and North Korea, like Jinning of Yunnan,1 Kunming,2 Luoyang,3 Anxiang of Hunnan,4 Karasahr of Xinjiang,5 and P’yŏngyang (Table I). In addition, there are six pieces not unearthed buckles shown on the catalogue.6 These buckles are ten centimeters long or so. Three pieces are made of jade, two pieces are made of silver, and one piece is made of copper gilding. The time period is from late Western Han to Western Jin. They are not the same absolutely, but have some common features: a round front and square rear; an arc perforation in one end of the round side; movable belt tongue behind the arc perforation; the whole belt buckle decorated mostly with dragon and tiger except one piece in sheep design; most have a rope or triangle design at the edge; in the eye, body of the pattern and edge triangle part studding with precious stones; and some with decorative small balls. Till now, these buckles have been found alone without matching belt accessories.

Keywords: Round Front, Square Rear Unearthed
Relations between the Southern Dynasties (Nanchao) and the Xiyu

Relations between the Southern Dynasties (Nanchao) and the Xiyu

Authors: Yun Jae Cho
( 19 downloads)
Abstract

Previous studies have reported that China had frequent correspondence and exchanges with western countries through the Three Kingdoms period and the Disunity period from the Han Dynasty period. Thus, it is thought that the Nanchao regime"s awareness and understanding of the western countries already reached a matured phase. However, the frequency and scale of exchanges show different aspects depending on China"s own political changes. China sharply stood face to face in terms of political domination because of its two civil divisions into north and south regimes, especially during the Nanchao period. During the Nanchao period the direct approach to and negotiations with western countries was somewhat inconvenient. In the meantime, the Roman Empire"s internal political vortex also had a significant impact on the network in East-West cultural exchanges. On the other hand, the Northern dynasties" bargaining with western countries proceeded with very active exchanges due to geographical environment and history. However, the bargaining between the Southern Dynasties and western countries was neither disconnected nor unfulfilled. Rather, the passage of negotiations became more diversified. In particular, since new bargaining routes were secured, direct contact with the west was still in progress. These external backgrounds left considerable cultural factors on the societies of the Southern Dynasties. This therefore enables us to conclude the bargaining between both parties. Since the specific bargaining situation between the Southern Dynasties and western countries is observed in records from archaeological data and in some literature, it serves to provide objective evidence. This paper attempts to look into the aspect of East-West civilization exchanges at the time by reviewing archaeological materials related to literature records and at the same time discussing the Southern Dynasties" bargaining process and form.

Keywords: Western Countries, Nanchao, China, East-West Exchanges, Traffic Routes, Bargaining Process
The Interchanges between Koguryŏ and Sun-Wu and “Under the Fruit Horse

The Interchanges between Koguryŏ and Sun-Wu and “Under the Fruit Horse

Authors: Dae Jae Park
( 21 downloads)
Abstract

The metallic buckle with a round front and square rear is a kind of belt accessories in the Han and Wei-Jin dynasties. They are not the same absolutely, but have some common features: a round front and square rear; arc perforation on one end of the round side; a movable belt tongue behind the arc perforation; a whole belt buckle decorated mostly with dragon and tiger except one piece in sheep design; most of them with a rope or triangle design at the edge; and in the eye, a body of the pattern and edge triangle part studding with precious stones. This kind of belt has been unearthed in China and North Korea, and have great meaning for the study of the spread and exchange of the cultures in East Asia. This paper focuses on the origins and the development of this metallic buckle with a round front and square rear and analyzes the influence of this metallic buckle on the clothing style from the Han dynasty to Tang dynasty.

Keywords: The metallic buckle with round front and square rear, Han and Jindynasty, the exchange of the cultures in East Asia, the military suit
Ssangsŏng Ch’onggwanbu as the Border between Koryŏ and Yuan Dynasty

Ssangsŏng Ch’onggwanbu as the Border between Koryŏ and Yuan Dynasty

Authors: Kota Nakano
( 18 downloads)
Abstract

According to the annotations of Sanguo zhizhu (三國志注) written by Pei Songzhi (372-451), there were exchanges between Kogury? and Sun-Wu through a sea route, a record originally from Wushu that cannot be seen in other historical documents. From 229 A.D., Sun Quan of Wu attempted a diplomatic approach to the Gongsun family faction in Liaodong to counterbalance Cao-Wei. Yet Sun-Wu’s diplomats sent to Liaodong, hearing the news of Gongsun faction’s betrayal, changed their course and accidently arrived at Kogury? in 233. This was a starting point from which Kogury? and Sun-Wu began political exchanges. Then Sun-Wu chose Kogury? as a diversionary power against Cao-Wei, and this strategic relation was maintained until 236. One of the reasons that Sun-Wu, which hardly had any satisfactory horses, actively implemented this exchange was to import war-horses from Kogury? and fight against Cao-Wei’s cavalry. “Under the Fruit Horses”-diminutive horses on which one could ride under the branches of a fruit tree-were one of regional products from Kogury? and its territories such as Dongye. However according to the historical record, these horses were small but strong and fast, and seemed to have a practicality as war-horses. Assuredly, in 235 the eighty horses of Kogury? that Sun-Wu’s envoy, Xie Hong, took to Sun-Wu were these “Under the Fruit Horses.” Although Sun-Wu and Kogury?’ exchanges were severed by Cao-Wei’s interference in 236, in 242 Kogury? captured Xi’anping at the lower Yalu River and again opened up the possibility for an exchange with Sun-Wu through a sea route. This provoked Cao-Wei to launch a military expedition led by Guanqiu Jian (?丘儉) in 244. Thus, Cao-Wei’s full-scale invasion of Kogury? from 244 to 246 was closely linked to the strategic purpose to disconnect Kogury?’s ties with Sun-Wu, a mortal enemy of Cao-Wei, and halt their importation of war-horses into the southern region of the Yangzi River and to Sun-Wu.

Keywords: Koguryŏ (高句麗), Sun-Wu (孫吳), Cao-Wei (曹魏), Gongsun family(公孫氏) faction, Wushu (誤書), Under the fruit Horse (果下馬), Xi’anping (西安平)
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and Korean Affairs Expert (Chōsentsu) and Japanese Rule of Korea

Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and Korean Affairs Expert (Chōsentsu) and Japanese Rule of Korea

Authors: Hyoung-sik Lee
( 20 downloads)
Abstract

This paper checks to see the relationship between Yoshiro Sakatani, a leading Korean affairs expert in the House of Peers, and Japan’s rule of Korea. There were many Korean affairs experts in the House of Peers, who had been directly or indirectly involved in the rule of Korea, including ex-bureaucrats in the Governor-General’s Office, chiefs of financial institutions in Korea, those in financial circles, such as the Bank of Korea or Doyo Takushoku, and businessmen who invested in Korea. They criticized or supported the policies of the Governor-General’s Office, while deliberating on the Governor-General’s Office’s budget and laws enacted by it. Koreans attempted to engage in lobbying activities, such as complaints or appeals, through an informal network of these Korean affairs experts. Sakatani had not maintained direct relationships with Korea, but came to be involved in Korean affairs due to his father-in-law Eiichi Shibusawa, who made lots of investments in Korea. As a proponent of the policy for gradual assimilation between Korea and Japan, Sakatani held a view that matters concerning finance, banking, telecommunications, and postal service, which were under the control of the Governor-General’s Office, should be transferred to the relevant ministries of the home government. His view was quite similar to that of Interior Minister Takashi Hara, who intended to restrict the Governor-General’s administrative rights and reinforce the government’s control over the Governor-General’s Office. Upon Sakatani’s inauguration as the Chairman of the Central Korea Association, a lobbyist organization for Japanese in Korea, consisting of both Koreans and Japanese, in Korea asked him to settle the following problems for them: a plan for an increase of rice production, construction of railroads, rice/grain control, relocation of the Inch’?n Stock Exchange, provision of relief supplies to Koreans in Manchuria, the municipal ordinance on the tenant farming, and suspension of publication of Tonga Ilbo. Sakatani tried to stabilize the rule of Korea by accommodating such complaints and appeals by mitigating the confrontation between colonists and the people in the colony, where the public opinion was little heeded due to the lack of political rights granted to Koreans. In addition, he spoke up for the interest of Japanese in Korea or Japanese investing in Korea in such matters as a plan for an increase in rice production, the construction of railroads, and the control of rice/grains produced in Korea in Japanese political circles.

Keywords: Yoshiro Sakatani, the House of Peers, Korean affairs experts, relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office, Koreans’ right to takepart in political affairs
Changes in the Political Topography in the Korean Community in the Russian Maritime Province in the Mid-1920s

Changes in the Political Topography in the Korean Community in the Russian Maritime Province in the Mid-1920s

Authors: Sangwon Yun
( 12 downloads)
Abstract

The purpose of this article is to shed light on how the political topography of the Korean community in the Russian Maritime Province changed, in 1922 and thereafter, with the end of the Russian Civil War in Siberia. Koreans in the region had fought on the side of the Soviet Red Army against the White Army of Russia and the international intervention army in that war, and had come out as victors. After the war, came an era of reconstruction. Koreans in the region had to adapt to the changing situation in the province. Korean partisan guerrillas who had fought on the side of the Red Army and Russian guerrillas now had to build a new life. A majority of them chose to stay there and applied themselves to the work of building socialism and participating in the fulfillment of the Russian revolution. Meanwhile, some of them chose to continue the struggle for their home country’s independence and left for new sites, including Manchuria and China, to campaign against Imperial Japan. Some of them were dispatched to Korea with the aim of fulfilling the objective of the Korean revolution and helping organize the Korean Communist Party and the national liberation movement. Many of these people were affiliated with the Shanghai Faction of the Korean Communist Party. The positions left vacant by their departure came to be filled by people who had returned to the Russian Maritime Province following the end of the civil war. They were mostly those affiliated, directly or indirectly, with the Irkutsk Faction of the Korean Communist Party. Senior members of the old Korean National Council, who had left the Maritime Province after the massacre of Koreans in the province’s New Korean Town by the Japanese army, in April 1920, returned in droves. They soon took up important positions in the party and the soviet, and so increased their influence on the Korean community. In this process, senior members of the old Korean National Council came to play a leading role in the province. Such was the political topography of the Korean community in the Russian Maritime Province in the mid-1920s. Amid such changes, the Russian Maritime Province, including Vladivostok, which had served as the center of the overseas national liberation movement for Korea between 1910 and the early 1920s, could no longer play such a role. Koreans in the province applied themselves to working for the construction of socialism and for the enhancement of the living standards of Koreans in Russia.

Keywords: the Russian Maritime Province, the Russian civil war in Siberia, theShanghai Faction, the Irkutsk Faction, the Korean National Council, the episodeconcerning the return of Kim Tonghan, the national liberation movement
Recent Western-European Historical Studies on ‘Pre-Modern’ Korea and the Issue of ‘Modernity’Revisited

Recent Western-European Historical Studies on ‘Pre-Modern’ Korea and the Issue of ‘Modernity’Revisited

Authors: Anders Karlsson
( 25 downloads)
Abstract

The notion of ‘modernity’ in Korean history is still a highly contested issue cutting at the core of both historical understanding and current politics, as can be seen in the controversy surrounding the understanding of this professed by the New Right Movement in South Korea. Although, of course, interrelated, there are two main aspects of the contested issues of modernity and Korean history: firstly, to what extent can socioeconomic changes and intellectual and ideological developments in the late Chosǂn (Joseon) period be considered as carrying the quality of modernity, and secondly, is colonial modernity a proper concept to understand social and economic change in Korea under Japanese occupation.

Keywords: Historical Studies, ‘Pre-Modern’, ‘Modernity’Revisited
A New Controversy over Korea’s Modernization during the Colonial Period Viewed from a Perspective of the Regional Agricultural History

A New Controversy over Korea’s Modernization during the Colonial Period Viewed from a Perspective of the Regional Agricultural History

Authors: Seungjin Chung
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Abstract

In his recently published book Ilche ch’ogi Chosǂn ǎi nongǂp [Agriculture of Chosǂn (Joseon) during the Early Days of Japanese Colonial Period], Huh Sooyoul (Hǂ Suyǂl) focuses on Korea’s agriculture in the 1910s. He criticizes those who hold the view that the country’s agriculture developed during the colonial period (i.e. that colonial rule contributed to the modernization of the colony).1 He points out that the estimation made for the 1910s by ‘those with a view that Japanese colonial rule contributed to the modernization of Chosǂn’ (“the colonial rule supporters” hereinafter) is overblown, like the estimation made by Mizoguchi Toshiyuki (㡠ㆧ㗖㸁).2 The colonial rule supporters noted the trend of “straight sharp growth” in the 1911-1918 period, i.e. the early colonial period. Huh Sooyoul questions, “Was there really a special reason for such rapid growth of the Korean economy?”3 He says that the level of the country’s agricultural production in the 1911-1918 period should be underestimated by extending the trend line to the 1918-1926 period.

Keywords: Modernization, during, Colonial

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