International Journal of Korean History

International Journal of Korean History

Basic info

  • Publisher: Korea University, Center for Korean History
  • Country of publisher: korea, republic of
  • Date added to EuroPub: 2018/May/12

Subject and more

  • LCC Subject Category: History
  • Publisher's keywords: Korean History
  • Language of fulltext: english
  • Full-text formats available: PDF

Publication charges

  • Article Processing Charges (APCs): No
  • Submission charges: No
  • Waiver policy for charges? No

Editorial information

Open access & licensing

  • Type of License: CC BY-NC
  • License terms
  • Open Access Statement: Yes
  • Year open access content began: 2000
  • Does the author retain unrestricted copyright? False
  • Does the author retain publishing rights? False

Best practice polices

  • Permanent article identifier: DOI
  • Content digitally archived in: Other
  • Deposit policy registered in: None

This journal has '224' articles

The Introduction of the Concept of 'Nation' into the Koran Society and the Adaptation of Its Usage

The Introduction of the Concept of 'Nation' into the Koran Society and the Adaptation of Its Usage

Authors: Kue-jin Song
( 39 downloads)
Abstract

Since the beginning of the modern era, a variety of modern terms and concepts have been introduced into the Korean society through a number of media via the western world, Japan and China. In the process of adopting new concepts, some of the conventional terms took on new meaning, while the use of newly introduced concepts were, at times, adapted under different circumstances.

Keywords: nation', 'kukka(國家)', 'kukmin(國民)', 'minjok(民族)', 'baeksung(百姓)', 'dcmgpo(同胞)', Sin Chae-ho
Review of Ancient History as Described in High School History Textbooks

Review of Ancient History as Described in High School History Textbooks

Authors: Jae-woon Yun
( 12 downloads)
Abstract

many topics which are barely mentioned or omitted altogether. For example, while the textbook deals with the Three Kingdoms, the historical materials selected either only addresses Kogury? or Silla. There are few historical materials related to Puy?, Kaya, and Parhae, kingdoms that have always existed on the periphery of Korean ancient history. Second, it is necessary to introduce various forms of historical materials. The lack of historical materials directly related to the field of ancient history has created a trend towards the inclusion of the results of adjacent fields such as archeology and anthropology. Historical materials can be divided into bibliographical and non-bibliographical materials. The recent discovery nationwide of wooden tablets and epigraphs has helped to greatly advance the field of ancient historical studies. In this regards, such materials should not only be shown in pictures. Rather, the contents of the epigraphs and wooden tablets should be included as is. Lastly, it is necessary to make better use of the appendix. Various materials related to Korean history can be found at the end of the textbook. Should the inclusion of these historical materials in the main text be made impossible for various reasons such as volume or description styles, then such materials should be included in the appendix. It is hoped that these suggestions will help to produce better history textbooks that can be used to improve students’ perceptions of history.

Keywords: textbooks, ancient era, historical materials, learning based on historical materials
Making Chosŏn’s Own Tributaries : Dynamics between the Ming-centered World Order and a Chosŏn-centered Regional Order in the East Asian Periphery

Making Chosŏn’s Own Tributaries : Dynamics between the Ming-centered World Order and a Chosŏn-centered Regional Order in the East Asian Periphery

Authors: Da-ham Chong
( 14 downloads)
Abstract

Kyŏngcha’gwan, conventionally known as Chosŏn kings’ domestic envoys, were the envoys who also delivered the Chosŏn kings’ orders to their vassals such as the Jurchens and Tsushima. This fundamental characteristic of Kyŏngcha’gwan culminated in the ceremonial rituals of receiving Kyŏngcha’gwan, which signified Chosŏn’s “lesser suzerainty” over its vassal, under the bigger umbrella of Ming “suzerainty.” The reason why these vertical dimensions of Chosŏn-Jurchen and Chosŏn-Tsushima relations in 15th century have not been scrutinized actually lies in the “Kyorin” frame, which was modern invention of the same term in modern Korean historiography. “Kyorin” as a modern frame implies that Chosŏn tried to maintain peaceful relations with the Jurchens and Tsushima, based on its Confucian orientation. Korean historians could not conceptualize what did not fit in that frame, because they were too overwhelmed by traditional “Sino-centric” perspective to provincialize and de-centralize it, on the one hand. And they were also stuck in the mythology of a peace-loving and innocent Korea produced by their single lineal evolutionary frame of “Korean History (Hanguksa)” which is based on the hereditary victimhood of modern Korean historiography, on the other hand. With their eyes blinded, it was unable for them to provincialize both the “Sino-centric” and “Korea-centered” perspectives, they were not able to re-conceptualize the various active dimensions of regional dynamics that constituted Chosŏn-Jurchen and Chosŏn-Tsushima relations in 15th century. Furthermore, the nature and logic of the Kyorin frame, which argued that early Chosŏn’s advanced cultures helped the Jurchen and Tsushima to be more civilized and which have deliberately downplayed early Chosŏn’s expansionist military and interstate policies toward the Jurchens and Tsushima, ironically takes exactly after the nature and logic of Japanese Imperialist’ justifications of the colonization of Chosŏn, which Korean scholars have continued to reject up to the present. In fact, the historical origin of this regional hierarchy where Chosŏn was able to force this practice on Jurchens and Tsushima was not something just mainly “cultural.” Rather, it was Koryŏ and Chosŏn’s military subjugation of them and Chosŏn’s founder Yi Sŏng’gye’s contribution to it. According to the changes in the East Asian interstate frame, the ruling elites of early Chosŏn used these subjugations as useful historical sources for legitimizing their superiority over those two non-Chosŏn polities in writing its own history. Through this, the ideological basis of Chosŏn’s having its own vassals such as the Jurchen and Tsushima was created. And on the basis of this idea, Chosŏn’s ruling elites tried to perpetuate their imagined “suzerainty” over them. The dispatch of Kyŏngcha’gwan was one of the typical diplomatic practices to symbolize this relationship. The institutional origins of Kyŏngcha’gwan shed light on this symbolic meaning of Chosŏn’s Kyŏngcha’gwan more clearly. Ming sent its low-level envoys called Qinchaiguan (欽差官) to its vassals such as Chosŏn. Imitating the Ming’s imperial mode of interstate policies, Chosŏn came up with Chosŏn’s own version of Ming imperial model, such as Kyŏngcha’gwan (敬差官) dispatches to the Jurchens and Tsushima that Chosŏn identified as its vassals. However, this does not necessarily mean that Chosŏn denied the “Sino-centric” East Asian order. Rather, by modifying its original imperial model according to Chosŏn’s own position under Ming, Chosŏn could still signify its suzerainty over the Jurchen and Tsushima, without violating Ming suzerainty. Chosŏn’s ruling elites who carried out interstate policy in 15th century were very shrewd, aggressive, and even mean. Was Chosŏn ruling elites’ superiority to the Jurchens and Tsushima only “cultural” as those Korean scholars have implied with the Kyorin frameŏ It seemed to be far more realistic than “cultural,” since those Confucian scholar officials were shrewd enough to create their own “suzerainty” over the Jurchens and Tsushima by utilizing military influence and history writing. It was based upon this process that Chosŏn’s ruling elites tried to perpetuate their imagined superior position over the Jurchens and Tsushima at least in 15th century. The dispatch of Kyŏngcha’gwan was one of the typical interstate policies to symbolize this relationship.

Keywords: Kyŏngch'agwan, Qinchaiguan, Qinchai, Jurchen, Tsushima, Suzerainty, Suzerain, Empire, Vassal, Lesser-Suzerainty, Lesser Suzerain, Yi Sŏng'gye, Fractal Sino-centrism, Chinese World Order, Tributary System, Sino-centrism, Chosŏn, Ming, Fanli, Fanping, Interstate relation, Inter-vassal relation, Envoy, Emissary, Sinicization, De-Sinicization, Manchuria, Manchus
Social Background of a Visionary Rebellion and the Image of an Ideal Society : A Review of the Yi Ch’unggyŏng Incident during the 7th year of King Injo (1629)

Social Background of a Visionary Rebellion and the Image of an Ideal Society : A Review of the Yi Ch’unggyŏng Incident during the 7th year of King Injo (1629)

Authors: Woo-cheol Kim
( 15 downloads)
Abstract

Yi Ch'unggyŏng's Rebellion of 1629 (7th year of King Injo), was an incident that saw people displaced by the First Manchu Invasion of 1627 (Chŏngmyo horan) attempt to overthrow the existing government. The majority of the participants in this attempted uprising were from the lower classes. As the group involved only a score of people, and they were all arrested before their plot could be actualized, it did not garner any attention at the national level. It was even evaluated as a ‘silly game involving some overgrown children.’ However, leaving aside the success or failure of the incident, much can be gained from delving into the participants’ social background, how they got to the point where they raised a resistance, and their wishes for an ideal society. This incident was hatched in the provinces of P’yŏngan and Hwanghae, both of which had suffered greatly as a result of the First Manchu Invasion of 1627. Most of those who followed Yi had lost their families and found themselves displaced by the war. These individuals perceived the proposed coup as a means to secure a livelihood. On the other hand, they also harbored a strong sense of hostility toward Later Chin. The growing emphasis on the worship of Ch’oe Yŏng and Nam Yi, two generals who had opposed the Chosŏn dynasty, signified that Yi’s group had been transformed from a band of thieves into one that plotted rebellion. However, despite this change in character, every member of the group's support for Yi remained unwavering. The group’s ringleader Yi Ch'unggyŏng gave form to the ideal society that he envisioned in a document called the 〈Kaeguk taejŏn〉. The ideal society was one in which public equality was to be achieved by reigning in abuses in the military service and tax structures and removing privileges. It was a society in which the state’s illegal exploitation of the people was to be brought to a halt. Their pure wishes for an end to the conflicts that pervaded Chosŏn dynasty were ignored by the powers that be, and their uprising was evaluated as a ‘useless farce initiated by a few woodsmen’ or as a 'silly game involving some overgrown children.' As such, the inherent conflicts at the center of this incident were not resolved and a tinderbox that could be lit at another time was left behind to fester.

Keywords: Yi Ch'unggyŏng, King Injo, rebellion, displaced people, Kaeguk taejŏn, An Iksin, First Manchu Invasion of 1627 (Chŏngmyo horan), ch'uno (tracking slaves)
Kaesŏng Uprising of 1893

Kaesŏng Uprising of 1893

Authors: Hang-seob Bae
( 16 downloads)
Abstract

With the exception of the Kaesŏng Uprising of 1893, none of the other uprisings that emerged from the opening of the three ports in 1876 until 1910 featured demands related to the landlord system. That being said, the land ownership related demands made by the leaders of the Kaesŏng Uprising were in actuality not intended to overcome the inequality of the land ownership system. Rather, these demands were focused on preventing illegal exploitation of their land by the magistrate. Moreover, the fact that the leadership group of the Kaesŏng Uprising consisted of merchants and former government officials means that the wishes of peasant famers were in all likelihood not reflected in these demands. Even the cases of uprisings led by peasant farmers, such as the Uprising of 1862, did not feature any overt slogans against the landlord system. Moreover, no demands hinting at an out and out opposition to the landlord system are evident in the proposed reform program (p’yejŏng kaehyŏkan) prepared by the leadership behind the large-scale rebellion known as the Tonghak Peasants’ War of 1894. Rather, much like had been the case in the Kaesŏng Uprising, the demands related to the reform of the land system raised by the peasant soldiers were geared towards the solid entrenchment of the private ownership system. Meanwhile, one finds almost no instances in which actual anti-foreign power related demands were raised during the type of collective struggle known as an uprising. While the possibility of Japanese merchants infringing on the interests of Kaesŏng merchants can be understood as the main rationale for the inclusion of Article 15, “Any person who rents out his residence to a Japanese national shall have their home destroyed,” no lingering sense of outright belligerence toward Japanese merchants was recorded. Moreover, no objections to Japanese power were raised during the first Tonghak Peasants Uprising. To this end, it was only during the second uprising that the movement took on an anti-Japanese character, a denouement which was in large part motivated by the Japanese military’s attempt to seize Kyŏngbokkung Palace. As mentioned above, the only popular uprising from 1894 to 1910 other than the Tonghak Peasants' War in which demands related to land ownership or to an opposition to a foreign power were made was the Kaesŏng Uprising. In addition, a closer look at these demands reveals that they in fact had little to do with out and out opposition to the landlord system or foreign powers. These points have the effect of calling into question the prevailing perception of the people (minjung) during the transition towards the modern era as both the main actors in bringing about reform and the flag-bearers of the efforts to resolve Chosŏn’s feudal and national contradictions.

Keywords: Kaesŏng Uprising, Kaesŏng merchants, owners of ginseng fields, repurchase of land (hwant'oe), landlord system, antiforeign power
Contradictions in Korean Colonial Education

Contradictions in Korean Colonial Education

Authors: Leighanne Yuh
( 13 downloads)
Abstract

The primary purpose of this paper is to examine both the ideological and sociological function of Japanese colonial education in Korea, and its implications in identity formation in the colony and to some extent in the metropole. That is, through education, the Japanese attempted to create docile bodies and docile minds in a colony considered to be simultaneously separate from and integral to “the interior.” A survey of the textbooks the Japanese Government General commissioned for use in schools in colonial Korea illuminates a basic contradiction in Japanese colonial policy. On the one hand, the texts exhibit a progressive assimilationist impulse to incorporate Koreans into the Japanese empire, and to inculcate modern ways and sensibilities for administrative efficiency. On the other hand, textbook lessons exhibit a more subtle theme of differentiation, of implicit subordination of Korean subjects to Westernized Japanese overlords. Through colonial education, Japanese officials tried to construct an image of the metropole as modern, civilized, and enlightened; in other words, everything Korea was not. But even with Japan’s partial success in developing Korea and the similarities between the two countries, they argued that due to historical circumstances and the innate nature of the people, Korea would remain a step behind its colonizer. Being an imperial subject in Korea denoted an entirely new meaning - a meaning filled with tension and contradiction.

Keywords: Korea–History–Japanese occupation–1910-1945, Korea–Politics and government–1910-1945, Korea–Social conditions, Korea– Education –1910-1945
The Rural Control Policy and Peasant Ruling Strategy of the Government-General of Chosŏn in the 1930s-1940s

The Rural Control Policy and Peasant Ruling Strategy of the Government-General of Chosŏn in the 1930s-1940s

Authors: Songsoon Lee
( 14 downloads)
Abstract

The rural control policy of the 1930s was rooted in the Rural Revitalization Campaign. To this end, the Rural Economic Rehabilitation Plan was implemented as the main measure used to actualize the campaign. However, the Government-General of Chosŏn’s announcement of the Plan for the Expansion of Rehabilitated Villages in January 1935 effectively transformed the Rural Revitalization Campaign into a group guidance undertaking that was to be carried out at the village level. This principle became the main focal point of the rural control and production increase policies that were put in place after 1940. The advent of the National Mobilization Campaign in 1940 saw the Rural Revitalization Campaign be transformed into the Rural Patriotic Service Production Campaign, and the Village Production Expansion Plan implemented as a means to mobilize the human and material resources needed to wage war. Thereafter, the growing need to increase agricultural productivity in order to ensure effective mobilization for war resulted in the Rural Reorganization Plan and the Chosŏn Agricultural Plan being established. These measures were motivated by the desire to mobilize military supplies through ideological education and propaganda, as well as coercive organization, once it became apparent that the limitations reached in terms of productivity all but negated the ability to mobilize the required material and human resources. The rural control policy of the Government-General of Chosŏn was carried out based on the use of Korean collaborators as its proxies. To control the farmers, rural revitalization committees which served as government-led agricultural organizations were established. Those placed in charge of these rural revitalization committees were the so-called ‘leading figures’ that had been produced based on the Government-General of Chosŏn’s modern colonial education system and colonial policy. The intensification of the mobilization for war after 1940 saw the villages be upgraded to ku, which constituted the lowest administrative level, and the directors of the Village Leagues appointed as kujang. The number of kujang was rapidly increased during this process. In exchange for conducting their role as the party responsible for the mobilization for war, the kujang were granted enhanced administrative authority and material compensation by the Government-General of Chosŏn. However, as the Government-General of Chosŏn’s forced mobilization and exploitation worsened, the kujang and local petty officials were left to stand as the public faces of this mobilization system, a denouement that resulted in their becoming the main targets of the people’s resentment. The evaluation of these leading figures, which belonged to the pro-Japanese or collaborator camp rather than to those groups who resisted against colonial rule, is intricately related to the overall evaluation of the Japanese colonial rule.

Keywords: farmer control, wartime mobilization, Rural Revitalization Campaign, Rural Economic Rehabilitation Plan, National Mobilization Campaign, Village Production Expansion Plan, Rural Reorganization Plan, Rural Revitalization Committees, leading figures, director of Village League, kujang, local petty officials (ŏp and myŏn level)
The Study of Korean Villages during the Japanese Colonial Period and Colonial Modernity

The Study of Korean Villages during the Japanese Colonial Period and Colonial Modernity

Authors: Yong-ki Lee
( 19 downloads)
Abstract

This study reviews trends in the study of Korean villages during the Japanese colonial period. Such an exercise is carried out in order to summarize the research-related issues that have emerged over time, and to suggest a desirable future direction for this particular field of study. Villages were the basic units in which peasants’ everyday lives unfolded, and the lowest unit in terms of the state’s governance of its people. They served as dynamic spaces in which the autonomy of the people and the governance of the state encountered and came into conflict with one another. In this respect, the study of Korean villages during the Japanese colonial period makes it possible to perceive colonial modernity from the bottom-up viewpoint. More to the point, this can be achieved by analyzing the relationships between ‘control and autonomy’ and ‘tradition and modernity’ that took form amidst the people’s everyday lives. The studies of villages during the Japanese colonial period, a field which started to come into its own during the 1990s, have been conducted as part of the wider study of the colonial government’s rural control policy. However, recent studies have moved beyond the field of the history of policy and approached villages from the standpoint of social history. As earlier studies tended to focus on villages from the standpoint of policy history, villages were in effect regarded as the objects of the colonial control policy. Moreover, the predominance of the colonial exploitation approach resulted in the autonomous order of villages being regarded as having been reconstructed and distorted into the government-led order by the colonial authority. Meanwhile, the recent studies have sought to identify the characteristics of colonial modernity, including the possibility of autonomous actions and choices on the part of the peasants, from the standpoint of the tension between the colonial authority and villagers. Some of the issues which have been raised in recent studies that have critically perceived the modality and characteristics of colonial modernity carried out from the standpoint of the criticism of modernity include: 1) the degree of penetration degree and characteristics of colonial control over villages, 2) the changes in the internal order of villages and extent thereof, 3) the characteristics of the traditional elements which existed in villages despite the advancement of colonial modernity. This study reviewed these issues and introduced two elements that should be part of the future direction of this field, namely the use of a bottom-up approach and the deepening of the perception of colonial modernity based on this bottom-up approach. In addition, detailed matters related to the implementation of this direction were also discussed.

Keywords: village, internal order of village, tonggye, control and autonomy, tradition and modernity, colonial modernity, bottom-up approach
Colonial Modernity and Rural Markets during the Japanese Colonial Period

Colonial Modernity and Rural Markets during the Japanese Colonial Period

Authors: Young-ran Hur
( 15 downloads)
Abstract

Recent studies on Korean history during the Japanese colonial period have in general focused on ‘colonial modernity’ as their main theme. They have sought to analyze the characteristics of the modernity which Korea experienced, while paying special attention to the fact that while modernity should not be ignored, colonial rule should be perceived as having been a condition that contributed to the formation and reproduction of modernity; and that modernity, which was carried out at the global level, was variously and heteronomously experienced in individual regions. This fresh perception of colonial modernity has helped to bring about a meaningful change in the heretofore nationalism-centered study of the colonial era. Nevertheless, a great number of these analyses of modern elements have tended to concentrate on two spheres: industry and urban areas. To this end, although agriculture and rural areas accounted for a significant majority of industry and the overall population respectively, these elements were not identified as being crucial to the formation of the proper interpretation of colonial modernity. The study of the elements of the traditional lifestyle of farmers that were passed down from generation to generation is indeed a more simple one than the analysis of the new elements that were introduced. However, the rural markets, or changsi, which connected farmers to the external world, clearly exhibit the hybridity that characterized their lives during the colonial era. Colonial capitalism had the effect of worsening the conflicts between capitalists and laborers, as well as between landlords and farmers. However, the necessity to defend the nation against Japan’s dictatorial rule also had the effect of mitigating the inherent hierarchal differences between the various social groups. This hybridity was also reflected in the changsi markets that operated in rural areas. The commercialization of agriculture and the agricultural policy of the Government-General of Chos?n had the effect of further exasperating the already dire situation which farmers faced. The direness of this situation forced many small-scale farmers to try to eke out a living by selling their agricultural wares at lower than market value prices. In this regard, the changsi emerged as the main sphere in which such exchanges designed to ensure farmers’ ability to continue to earn a living were carried out. The expansion of the changsi during the Japanese colonial period was motivated by the following factors. First, under the colonial capitalist structure, farmers needed the changsi, which they could freely enter, to maintain their small-scale farming household economies. Second, the changsi in rural areas functioned as networking markets that effectively connected these rural areas to the global market. The changsi played an important role in terms of the collection and exporting of the agricultural products and raw materials demanded by Japanese capitalism, but also functioned as windows for the distribution and sale of capitalist goods. Third, the changsi was a socio-cultural hybrid space in which Koreans, who were prohibited from participating in politics, could release their pent-up energy. To this end, the changsi conflicts reflected not only the confrontations and fissures that crisscrossed local society, but also the inherent politics of coexistence and alliance. Fourth, the changsi, in their capacity as a basic trading mechanism, served as collective goods which contributed to the activation of local economies. Furthermore, additional local development effects could be expected through the advent of other collective goods, such as financial institutions, agricultural product inspection centers and agricultural product stores, and means of transportation. In this regard, local residents, or simin, sought to attract changsi to their areas as part of efforts to ensure local development and reap the benefits of such development. This can be regarded as one of the key reasons for the expansion of the changsi during the Japanese colonial era. The changsi conflicts over public goods that emerged during the 1920s -1930s nevertheless exhibited various attributes generally associated with conflicts between the power group and local society. While these conflicts were ostensibly not related to the refusal of the colonial authority’s control and regulations, one can nevertheless imagine ‘local society’ as a social space in which competition with the colonial power was made possible by the fact that the unilateral leadership of the colonial authority proved unable to penetrate this particular space. In addition, the hybridity created through the combination of traditional communality, reciprocity, equality, local chauvinism, desire for development/improvement, and the pursuit of capital gains, can be regarded as a reflection of the impact of colonial modernity on rural markets.

Keywords: colonial modernity, modernity, rural markets, changsi, fiveday market, changsi conflicts, collective goods, simin (citizens)
Transformation of the Dualistic International Order into the Modern Treaty System in the Sino-Korean Relationship

Transformation of the Dualistic International Order into the Modern Treaty System in the Sino-Korean Relationship

Authors: Kye-jin Song
( 14 downloads)
Abstract

The transition from a tribute system to a modern treaty system was by no means uniform and unilateral, but rather more complex and multilateral. Also, a certain period of transition was inevitable when a prolonged regional order came across a new one. Such aspects are typically evident in the East Asian international order surrounding Korea. Although Korea was incorporated into the modern treaty system after the Treaty of Kanghwa, the East Asian international order surrounding Korea did not change straight into a modern treaty system but shifted to a dualistic international order in practice. China institutionally maintained the tribute system by signing “the Korea-China Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade”. The superpower of the time that led the dualistic international order surrounding Korea was China. Because of China who did not recognize Korea as an independent state then, Korea had many limitations in active participation in the international society. Therefore, breaking away from China’s external pressure appeared as an important objective. There had been some groups who attempted to promote internal reform and escape from China’s interference but they failed due to China’s intervention and Kojong’s pro-Chinese dependent policies. Although Kojong also did have the intentions to alleviate China’s tribute system in concert with the West, he prioritized stability of his power and repeated historical actions by requesting for Chinese troops when his regime was threatened. The dualistic international order came to an end with China’s complete denial of the tribute system in the Treaty of Shimonoseki following the Sino-Japanese War. Yet, China still tried to preserve the special relationship with Korea by only permitting the recovery of relationship up to signing “the Korea-China Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade” and mutually sending the consular representatives. Therefore, the Korea-China relationship, not readily included in the modern treaty system, had a certain period of a transitional phase. However, China’s effort to reinforce its influence over Korea by preserving the special relationship was no longer viable. In consequence, China decided to sign the modern treaty following the establishment of the Greater Korea Empire, and the active involvement of Britain, Russia and Japan, as well as to deal with the practical issue of protection of Chinese people. The Greater Korea Empire and China officially established a modern treaty relation after founding “the Treaty of Commerce between Korea and China” in 1899. This incident marks the change of the international order of Northeastern Asia from a dualistic existence of a modern treaty system and a tribute system to a modern treaty system. The international community could only acquiesce in the Japanese colonization of the Greater Korea Empire after Japan ? the nation that was rising as the dominant player in the East Asian international order around Korea ? won Russo-Japanese Wars. However, superficially the modern treaty system was founded on the idea that individual countries have equal in international relations, even though in reality, this system had resort to military power to resolve international conflicts. This point leads me to guess that If Korea and China had adopted the modern treaty system before the Sino-Japanese War, and had jointly maneuvered against the Western and Japanese hegemony, the Korea and China relationships might have developed in a different direction.

Keywords: Dualistic International Order, Tribute system, Korea-China Relationship, Modern Treaty System, the Korea-China Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade, KoreanRussian Secret Agreement, Kojong, the Treaty of Commerce between Korea and China
The Historiography of Korea in the United States

The Historiography of Korea in the United States

Authors: Leighanne Yuh
( 13 downloads)
Abstract

The American treatment of Korean history has undergone dramatic changes, beginning with the dispatch of Protestant missionaries in the 1870’s, through the Cold War, and up to today. Over the past 130-plus years, American historians of Korea have emphasized the complex interplay and influence of nationalism, modernization, and ideology in Korean historiography. Until very recently, histories of Korea produced in the United States sought largely to frame events on the peninsula as manifestations of larger global themes and trends. Unlike Korean historians in Korea, U.S. historians of Korea have been reluctant to frame their accounts as descriptive of a unique or extra-special narrative of Korean-ness. This is understandable; but, at the same time, it is worth considering whether U.S. historians of Korea may have something to learn from their Korean counterparts today. This paper will provide an overview of the historiography of Korea in the United States, past and present, and offer suggestions for the next era of Korean historical studies. As the intent is to provide a brief “overview,” this paper will discuss a handful of English-language histories of Korea that are wellknown examples of U.S. historiography at different points in time.

Keywords: Korea – History, Historiography – Korea
Discussing David M. Robinson's Empire's Twilight : Northeast Asia Under the Mongols

Discussing David M. Robinson's Empire's Twilight : Northeast Asia Under the Mongols

Authors: Kang Hahn Lee
( 29 downloads)
Abstract

The author's attempt to provide the readers with a comprehensive discussion of the Red Turban wars is ambitious. And the author also has the courage to explore the organic nature of the Northeast Asian order. Yet there seems to be certain problems. In trying to portrait too big a picture that would engulf the entire Northeast Asian region, the author has failed to examine the situations of individual regions like Korea or Japan. Without a proper evaluation of the history of these regions, discussing the organic nature of Northeast Asia, which supposedly formed with the rise of the Mongol empire and dissolved with its decline, would fail. The author describes the 13th and 14th centuries as a time when ‘integration’ proceeded throughout Northeast Asia, and he argues that Northeast Asia was connected through constant exchanges of people, money and ideas. Yet he is not offering anything new that would shed some light on actually ‘in what kind of manner’ and ‘through what kind of occasions’ the people of this region would have continued their relationships and exchanges. The author is merely commenting upon well established facts, but we need many more ‘descriptions’ of all the exchanges. The author tries to impose such concept of ‘integration’ upon the general situation of Koryŏ, and jumps to a conclusion that Koryŏ was part of the Mongol empire(“Great Yuan Ulus”), yet the process that led to such conclusion is entirely missing. Exactly what kind of ‘criteria’ should be satisfied in order to claim that an entity was a part of another entityŏ One must determine in exactly what kind of manner those two entities have come into physical contact, and then determine how long that contact was maintained, in how many individual areas like politics, economy and culture, and finally, how such contact diverged and variated in subsequent periods. And even after that, as labeling a relationship that continued for decades or centuries between large entities instead of small individuals would be extremely difficult, we should be careful, and try to make a determination based upon the history of individual regions, which the author is not at all doing here. As a result, his documentation of the fall of Yuan and the Mongols falls rather flat, and fails to reveal how the supposed ‘decline of an order’ exactly reflected upon the history of not only individual regions like Koryŏ, but also the entire Northeast Asia in general.

Keywords: Red Turban wars, Koryŏ, Mongols, Yuan, integration, Northeast Asian order
A Criticism of Edwin O. Reischauer’s Pronouncements on Ancient Korea-Japan Relations

A Criticism of Edwin O. Reischauer’s Pronouncements on Ancient Korea-Japan Relations

Authors: Jae-seok Choi
( 30 downloads)
Abstract

This paper aims to examine the ancient Korea-Japan relations as mentioned in the book entitled The Japanese, (Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle, 1977). The book was written by Edwin O. Reischauer, University Professor at Harvard, who was United States Ambassador to Japan from 1961 to 1966. The book reflects the distorted view of Japanese historians who misrepresent the history of ancient Korea-Japan relations. He insists that there were semi-autonomous tribal units of natural growth in Japan and the ancient burial mounds belonged to privileged Japanese aristocracy. But they were proven to be the tombs of the influential immigrants from the Korean Peninsula to Japanese islands. Notwithstanding that Prince Shotoku was a fictitious figure, Reischauer maintains that he was a historical person who founded the Horyuji Temple. Also he declares that the Japanese absorbed Tang culture and civilization extensively and single-mindedly. But from before the sixth century until the end of the eighth century, Japan was under the dominion of Korea-Baekje (Paekche) in pre-668 years and Unified Silla after that. And it is now an open secret that massive influxes of immigrants with highly advanced civilization and culture from Korea settled in the Japanese islands among unlettered natives living off fish and marine products. They can be proven to the accounts in the Nihonshoki on Korean immigrants settling in the Japanese islands to found a new state. And ancient place-names of Japan were named after Korean kingdoms, most of which were renamed in recent ages, only a few still remaining.

Keywords: Edwin O. Reischauer, The Japanese, ancient Korea-Japan relations, historical distortions, ancient Japanese burial mounds, Prince Shotoku, Nihonshoki, Korean immigrants, place-names of Yamato-wa
King Yŏngjo’s T'angp'yŏng Policy and its Orientation : The trio of the king, state, and people

King Yŏngjo’s T'angp'yŏng Policy and its Orientation : The trio of the king, state, and people

Authors: Paekchol Kim
( 17 downloads)
Abstract

From the 17th century onwards, Chosŏn searched for various reform measures to overcome factionalism and mitigate the damage caused by the Hideyoshi and Manchu Invasions. However, no political faction was allotted enough time to complete such reforms. During the 18th century, a blueprint for a political system through which sweeping reforms could be implemented based on the strong power of the king emerged in the form of t'angp'yŏng (Impartiality) policy. The evil practices associated with political factionalism reached a boiling point during the early reign of King Yŏngjo. The political situation became so bad that even the king was no longer exempt from the clutches of political factionalism. In this regard, King Yŏngjo introduced a third way that would allow him to move beyond the prevailing political structure under which only one political faction could be in power at a time. This third way took the form of the king-led t'angp'yŏng (Impartiality) policy. During this process, the king established himself as the equivalent of sage kings such as Yao and Shun and, based on the authority that he drew from this status, proceeded to grasp the reins of political leadership. Once Yŏngjo had justified his status as the ‘king of the state’, he compelled the political factions to participate in projects designed to reestablish the national institutions, and implemented these national projects amidst a structure characterized by beneficial competition. Several state-level efforts to achieve civilizational and institutional improvements, including the Soktaejŏn (續大典), were carried out as part of this process. Once these projects to bolster national institutions had been completed, King Yŏngjo devoted himself to reforming the taxation system. The development of policy measures centering on the ‘people’ reached its zenith with the establishment of the Kyunyŏkpŏp (均役法, Equalized Tax Law). Yŏngjo desired to become a king for all the people, be they sajok or commoners. To this end, while he ruled over the privileged classes in a despotic manner that saw him require sacrifices and concessions on the part of the latter, he approached the socially weak commoner class as a benevolent king akin to Yao and Shun. As such, the king that brought us t'angp'yŏng policy in the 18th century created a complicated image of himself as both a despotic monarch and a benevolent king akin to Yao and Shun.

Keywords: King Yŏngjo, t'angpy'ŏng (Impartiality) policy, king, state, people, Yao, Shun, Soktaejŏn (續大典), Kyunyŏkpŏp (均役法, Equalized Tax Law)
The Formation and Transformation of the Awareness of a Common Cultural Identity in 19th Century Chosŏn

The Formation and Transformation of the Awareness of a Common Cultural Identity in 19th Century Chosŏn

Authors: Sung-san Cho
( 15 downloads)
Abstract

同文意識은 漢字를 공유한다는 의식으로서 그것의 기원은 『中庸』의 “書同文”에서 찾을 수 있다. 이것은 통일제국의 면모를 보여주는 것으로서 일체화된 세계의 의미로서 주로 사용되었다. 書同文이 제국과 함께 출현하였던 것은 이러한 이유에서였다. 동문의식은 중국 밖의 동아시아 세계에서 주로 事大와 관련된 것으로 사용되었다. 그러한 가운데 日本, 安南과의 소통과정에서 한자의 중요성에 대한 인식이 등장하면서 한자를 통한 하나의 문명권 의식도 점차 생겨났다. 이러한 의식은 18세기말에서부터 본격화되는 동문의식의 단서라는 점에서 중요하다. 18세기 말경의 四庫全書 편찬은 동문의식 형성에 커다란 전기를 마련하였다. 명청교체를 통하여 중화 개념은 문화주의적 성격을 더욱 강하게 가졌다. 이것은 중화문명의 상징인 한자에 대한 인식에도 영향을 끼쳤다. 특히 사고전서는 천하의 모든 문헌을 수집, 정리한다는 측면에서 조선과 일본, 안남의 서책들도 일부 포함하였다. 이것은 결과적으로 청, 조선, 일본의 지식인들을 한자를 매개로 하나로 묶는 작업이 될 수 있었다. 특히 19세기 본격화되는 서양의 침입은 서양에 대비되는 의미에서의 한자문명권을 상상할 수 있게 하였다. 이러한 한자문명권 인식은 19세기말과 20세기 초에 들어오면서 또 다른 모습으로 전환되었다. 서양에 대비되는 한자문명권 인식은 일본 제국주의 논리에 있어서 중요한 바탕이 되어갔다. 한자문명권 인식의 배경에는 한자와 유교를 보편문명 그 자체로서 사유하고 이를 공유하는 조선, 일본, 안남은 문명국이라는 의식이 자리하고 있었다. 중국이 독점했던 중화문명이 조선, 일본, 베트남 등의 나라로 이양된 것이다. 따라서 모든 나라들은 자신들을 중화라고 자부하였다. 그러한 점에서 일본이 중화문명을 온전히 구현했다면 일본은 더 이상 夷狄이 아니라 중화문명국가라는 인식이 마련될 수 있었다. 大東學會의 東道西器論者들 일부가 일본과 결합할 수 있었던 것에는 이러한 논리가 있었다. 그들은 한자를 亞文, 즉 아시아의 글자라고 하면서 중국의 문자로서만 사유하지 않았다. 그들은 한자로부터 국적성을 탈각시키고 한, 중, 일 삼국이 공유하는 문자로서 한자를 상정하였다. 이것은 중세적 보편주의가 근대에 어떠한 방식으로 전환ㆍ변용되었는가를 보여주었다.

Keywords: awareness of a common cultural identity (同文意識, tongmun ŭisik), notion of writing with the same script (書同文), Chinese characters (漢字), Zhonghua (中華) civilization, change from the Ming to the Qing dynasties, Siku quanshu (四庫全書, Complete Library of the Four Treasuries), Toa (東亞, East Asia), Taedong hakhoe (大東學會, The Society of Great East Asian Learning), Theory of Tongdo sŏgi (東道西器, Eastern Way-Western Technology)

About Europub

EuroPub is a comprehensive, multipurpose database covering scholarly literature, with indexed records from active, authoritative journals, and indexes articles from journals all over the world. The result is an exhaustive database that assists research in every field. Easy access to a vast database at one place, reduces searching and data reviewing time considerably and helps authors in preparing new articles to a great extent. EuroPub aims at increasing the visibility of open access scholarly journals, thereby promoting their increased usage and impact.