International Journal of Korean History

International Journal of Korean History

Basic info

  • Publisher: Korea University, Center for Korean History
  • Country of publisher: korea, republic of
  • Date added to EuroPub: 2018/May/12

Subject and more

  • LCC Subject Category: History
  • Publisher's keywords: Korean History
  • Language of fulltext: english
  • Full-text formats available: PDF, HTML, ePUB, Other

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  • Article Processing Charges (APCs): No
  • Submission charges: No
  • Waiver policy for charges? No

Editorial information

Open access & licensing

  • Type of License: CC BY-NC
  • License terms
  • Open Access Statement: Yes
  • Year open access content began: 2000
  • Does the author retain unrestricted copyright? False
  • Does the author retain publishing rights? False

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  • Permanent article identifier: DOI
  • Content digitally archived in: Other
  • Deposit policy registered in: None

This journal has '224' articles

The Definitions of Individuality and ROK Kungmin (國民) in the Political Philosophy of the Incipient Republic of Korea

The Definitions of Individuality and ROK Kungmin (國民) in the Political Philosophy of the Incipient Republic of Korea

Authors: Chong-myong Im
( 24 downloads)
Abstract

ying the ROK’s aseity. And there still remained the threat of popular practices. The South Korean people got indulged in things concerned with the individual self and were indifferent to state affairs and the ROK. In the face of this popular mentality, the ROK had to define individuality and kungmin in order to pull its kungmin out from their individual worlds into the public sphere of the state and state affairs. For this purpose, the ROK ruling elite presented their own definition of the individual as a national and state being who could not exist without the nation and the state. This meant that individuality was relegated to “secondary status” in relation to “a supreme society” viz. the state. The identification of the individual as an existing only within the statelaid the ground for the state project of producing ROK kungmin. The patriotic deed, according to ROK political philosophy, was a way to realize one’s own nature, completing one’s self. This meant that kungmin came to be defined as a public and “organic existence which, overcoming ego, unifies itself in the state doctrine”and as “an unified body of individuality and totality, the individual person and the state under the national spirit”. This definition offered the R. O. K. ideational and cultural resources available to the political body not only for its security interest but also for its statehood. It supplied the South Korean polity with the discursive resources which would help the political entity to transform South Korean people into ROK kungmin necessary for the full and safe mobilization of the people for the ROK’s agendas of its security and development. The discursive resources could relieve the ROK of the dangers of resorting to oppressive means and denying popular sovereignty, protecting the ROK’s modern statehood whose fundamental political criterion was believed to be popular sovereignty. In this sense, we can say that the definition lent the ROK discursive support to its assumption of modern statehood. This constituted the historical meaning of the definition to the part of the ROK.

Keywords: the Republic of Korea, the modern statehood, popular sovereignty, popular practice and mentality, the state project of producing ROK kukmin(國民), the liberal definition of the individuality, the (re)definition of individuality as a public (公的) and organic (有機的) existence, and an unified body (合一體), the ROK agendas of its security and development
The Chinese Press’ Reporting and Commentary on Imperial Japan’s Forced Annexation of the Taehan Empire

The Chinese Press’ Reporting and Commentary on Imperial Japan’s Forced Annexation of the Taehan Empire

Authors: Quan Hexiu
( 15 downloads)
Abstract

The Chinese press released a large volume of reports and commentaries pertaining to the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910. The Chinese press at the time can be regarded as having been the foreign press that, outside of Japan, dealt with the annexation of Korea in the broadest and profoundest manner. Based on the analysis of this article, the following three conclusions can be reached. First, the Chinese press at the time did not have any direct sources of information related to the annexation of Korea. Furthermore, clear problems were evident in terms of the precision of their reporting and commentaries related to the annexation of Korea, a situation that was caused in large part by the thorough control exercised by the Japanese authorities. Nevertheless, they saliently understood the colonial nature of this exercise by stating that the forced annexation of Korea was in fact the ‘absorption’ of its territory undertaken as part of Japan’s territorial ambitions. Consequently, the Chinese press should be perceived as the foreign press that released the most sympathetic reports and commentaries on the annexation. Secondly, along with laments and showing sympathy for the “national collapse” of the Chos?n dynasty and the Taehan Empire, the Chinese press’ reports and commentaries on the annexation of Korea greatly emphasized the expansionist nature of Japan and the threat it posed to China. Their reports and commentaries were deemed to be so problematic for Japan that they caused a diplomatic row with the Japanese government. In this regard, a letter written by a Korean student in Japan to a Chinese naval minister and a telegram from a Chinese organization in the United States stating that they had mourned the passage of Korea for three days, both of which were subsequently published in Chinese newspapers, can be considered as important materials that shed some light on the perceptions and responses of the Chinese press and society to the Japanese annexation of Korea. Thirdly, the Chinese press analyzed the lessons of the “national collapse” of Korea from various vantage points and urged the Qing government to undertake necessary political reforms and the Chinese people to awaken to the dangers that confronted them. During this process, many problems such as the Sinocentric view of Korean history and culture, in particular as pertained to the traditional historical relationship between the two countries, were exposed.

Keywords: Chinese press, Shen Bao (申報), Ta Kung Pao (大公報), reporting, commentary, absorption, sympathy, lesson, perception of Korea
The Reactions of the Russian Press to the Japanese Annexation of Korea as Viewed from the Standpoint of Russian Perceptions of Korea

The Reactions of the Russian Press to the Japanese Annexation of Korea as Viewed from the Standpoint of Russian Perceptions of Korea

Authors: Igor Ermachenko
( 23 downloads)
Abstract

The Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 was one of the most dramatic events in the history of the Korean people, and one which must be understood in order to comprehend the complex and tragic course that is Korean history in the 20th century. The context within which Russians perceived the annexation of Korea was unique and complicated. This perception was in large part determined by the close, emotional links that existed between the debate over the destiny of Korea and that over the outcome of the Russo-Japanese War. The annexation of Korea was regarded as the logical conclusion to the most important conflict in the Far East, a conflict that ended with Japan’s victory. The evaluations of the annexation of Korea were rooted in factors such as Russia’s defeat in the Russo-Japanese War and the increasingly sharp ideological struggle between the liberals and conservatives following the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. Conservative-nationalist daily such as Moscow News blamed the liberals within the ruling class for such outcomes and negatively evaluated the annexation of Korea. They also perceived the Russo-Japanese Convention, which was concluded on June 21, 1910 (July 4, 1910), or shortly before the annexation of Korea, in the same light as the 1905 Portsmouth Treaty, a treaty which they regarded as having had a negative impact on Russian interests in the Far East. Right-wing newspapers exhibited an interest in the anti-Japanese movement carried out in Korea, and showed themselves sympathetic to such movements. However, they did not truly advocate the interests of the Korean people or Korean government. Right wingers perceived Korean sovereignty from the standpoint ofthe conditions and main elements related to Russia’s ability to control the Far East region. In addition, the annexation of Korea was closely intertwined with the issue of Korean migration to the Amur region. The Koreans in the Amur region were perceived as closed-minded traditionalists that strongly refused to accept Christianity and assimilate into the Russian nation. As such, Koreans were regarded, just like China and Japan, as one of the sources of the 'Yellow Peril.' The conservatives regarded the Koreans in Priamurye as competitors of Russian colonialists and as an ‘undesirable element along the Russian border.’ Such a mindset helped further cement negative fixed notions, and ensured that public interest in Korea, a topic that was not of great concern to the right-wing, could never develop. On the contrary, Russian liberal publications emphasized the positive ethnic attributes of Koreans, such as sincerity and diligence, respect for women, and high passion for education. The annexation of 1910 provided an opportunity to once again promote the ideal image of the innocent Korean people that had been spread far and wide in 1904-1905. Nevertheless, the liberals’ position was in fact a duplicitous one. The liberal image of the world was one that was rooted in the notions of individual countries’ preparations to bring about progress, which in turn was regarded as a form of global legal tender. The left-wing blamed the Korean government and society’s inability to bring about progress on social stagnation and political passiveness. For the liberals, the decisive element that brought the ‘Japanization of Korea’ to its terminal point of annexation was the incapability of Korea to resist against ‘advanced’ Japan. On the other hand, Russian liberals were also cognizant of the violent nature of Japan’s forced annexation, and criticized the hypocrisy exhibited by a Japan that sought to make two different bloodlines become one. They also expressed their sympathy for the struggles of the Korean patriots against Japan, as well as for those had been victims of Japan's oppression. However, the liberal press also regarded Japan’s deliberate and thoroughly implemented plan to reform Korea as being an essential one that would wield significant results. Much as was the case in the British Empire, the forecast for Japan’s control over Korea was combined with the belief that the enlightenment of the ‘ignorant’ Korean masses would be good for Korea's national interests as it would help to foster the organization of ‘civilized’ national liberation movements. Despite expressions of sympathy and of a common bond with the Korean people and their struggles, the majority of Russian commentators were held captive by the fixed notion of Orientalism and the ideologies of the day to such an extent that they could not overcome the imperialistic mindset. These obstacles were in large part created by the general acceptance within society of the principle of the imperial struggle to once again divvy up the world as the main political reality of the day, as well as by the foreign policy line adopted by the Russian government from 1907 to 1910 as part of efforts to maintain cordial relations with Japan.

Keywords: annexation of Korea, ideology, imperialism, colonialism, conservatives, Korean migration, liberals, nationalism, image of Korea, Russian public opinion, Orientalism, the press, Russo-Japanese relations, fixed notions
Financial Management and Fishery & Salt Policy in Late Chosŏn : Focusing on the Regulations of the Equalized Tax Law for Maritime Taxes

Financial Management and Fishery & Salt Policy in Late Chosŏn : Focusing on the Regulations of the Equalized Tax Law for Maritime Taxes

Authors: Uk Lee
( 11 downloads)
Abstract

The Regulations of the Equal-Service Law of 1750 for maritime taxes, finalized in the revision of the fishery-salt tax, did not make an active move for the financial expansion of state revenue. Because of the state’s emphasis on the use of the fishery-salt tax for a compensation to the reduction of ‘military service tax for men of good status,’ the taxation was confined strictly to means of production, not any surplus value gathered from the process of commodity transaction. This noncommercial orientation of the taxation under the Regulations caused the serious lack of fact-finding investigation and exact calculation for the completion of the taxation. At the same time, while laying blame on the various illegal activities, including concealment and negligence, of the local offices and their associates for the gradual reduction of the tax revenue, the state had little consideration on how to guarantee a stable condition for the taxpayers to continue the business. There was no state-sponsored program to sustain the conservation of the fishery-salt business that usually faced a precarious market in production and price. The passive approach as above made the fishery-salt tax vulnerable to the hands of the royal estates, central bureaus, and local administration in an endeavor to secure their own finances rather than state revenue. Under these circumstances, the provincial quota system was introduced as a supplementary financial resource in state revenue. Eventually, the provincial quota system came to facilitate the localization or decentralization of the fishery-salt tax due to the enormous amount of expenditure in management. The enactment of the Regulations reflected the basic limit of the Chos?n economy in the 18th and 19th centuries. The vital expansion of commodity transaction during the periods definitely needed a structural shift in the established commercial policy of the state. Yet, the inability of the central government to read the situation and cope with the demands of the day turned the growing profit, gained from the non-agricultural sector of the economy, in unofficial forms of miscellaneous taxes that were never systematically channeled into the pubic finance of the central government.

Keywords: Equalized Tax Law, Fisheries & Salt Policies, Public Finance, Provincial Quota System, Commercial Tax, Maritime Taxes
Multiply-Translated Modernity in Korea : Samuel Smiles’ Self-Help and its Japanese and Korean Translations

Multiply-Translated Modernity in Korea : Samuel Smiles’ Self-Help and its Japanese and Korean Translations

Authors: Si-hyun Ryu
( 24 downloads)
Abstract

During the late 19th century and early 20th century, the translation of the Western books was closely connected to East Asia’s modernity and nationalism. Choosing which foreign texts would be translated and in what way was also dominated by a “word-power relationship.” I apply the concept of “translated modernity” in China and Japan to the idea of multiply-translated modernity in colonized Korea, because translation of texts originated from relationships between the West and the East, between both China and Japan and Korea, between the colonizer (Japan) and the colonized (Korea), and in the process of translation and re-translation. Trough Self-Help and its translations into both Japanese and Korean, I have examined translators, readers, and the contents of this book, the so-called “modern hero.” The characteristics of multiply-translated modernity in Korea are like this: First, the translation of Western thought, sometimes combining it with traditional texts, was used by translators to invoke Korean modernity. Second, the needs and desires of Korean readers in the1910s were multiple, based on their social status and political opinions. Third, translated books were utilized for competing with imperialism in the spiritual domain as well as in the material domain. The notion of the hero was useful to resist imperialism in the spiritual domain and the notion of a “modern hero” specifically was useful in the material domain.

Keywords: Translation, Re-translation, Self-Help, Namsun Ch’oe, Translator
Numerical Perception and Statistical Desire of Postwar Japan towards Resources in Korea

Numerical Perception and Statistical Desire of Postwar Japan towards Resources in Korea

Authors: Byong-kwon Song
( 13 downloads)
Abstract

After defeat in the Second World War, Japan was faced with the issue of how to reconstruct its economic relationships with the regions of the East Asian regional economy of the Japanese Empire, i.e. relationships with Japan and the old ‘overseas territories.’ This article aims to analyze the resources that Japan recognized as being ‘lost’ after the war, and the attempt to express the resources that were still deemed to be necessary by Japan by using of ‘objective numerical figures.’ Although it is not possible to identify the objective process in producing these statistics, this article looks at the statistics Japan collected immediately after the war and analyzes the quality and quantity of the resources acquired from Chos?n during the war. The purpose is to examine the meaning of Japan’s ‘losing’ Chos?n in terms of resources. After its defeat in the war, the inevitable task in the reconstruction plan of the Japanese economy was reconsidering what resources would disappear from the prewar Japanese economy. In other words, Japan exactly matches the trend of research on the old ‘overseas territories’ that was focused on the loss of territory and what kinds of resources were ‘lost.’ It was amid such a process that the “Loss of Territory and Its Influence on Resources” was written. The concept of ‘loss’ included the expected difficulty of maintaining a closed economy based on regional units such as the wartime economy and autarkic economy, due to the postwar policy of the Allied Powers represented by an open economy and free trade. Yet fundamentally, it can be said that in this concept of ‘loss,’ the vision of decolonization needed for reestablishing the postwar relations with respective regions and countries of East Asia could not be found. Through the concept of ‘loss,’ these statistics show that only the possibility being considered was using the resources from the East Asian region under the frame of East Asian regionalism centered on Japan. Such desire is well displayed in the “Estimated Necessary Imports of Japan,” statistics that categorized resources Japan needed to import by countries and regions. Moreover, from the fact that Japan wanted imports from the East Asian region, a linking relationship can be considered with the product export strategy of Japan. In short, in order for East Asian countries to purchase Japanese products, it was a prerequisite to have purchasing power, and that power would be secured by importing food and resources from these regions in East Asia. This included the desire of maintaining the trade relationships that had been formed before the war, between Japanese products and food and resources from East Asia. In the relevant relationship, Korea was recognized as a supplier of food and mineral resources functioning under such regionalism.

Keywords: Foundation Research Institute on the National Economy, Japanese Foreign Ministry, ‘loss’ of resources from Chosŏn, Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia, reorganization of the East Asian region after the war, East Asian regionalism
Hans-Alexander, Globetrotter, Abenteurer, Goldgräber. Auf deutschen Spuren im alten Korea. Mit einem Abriss zur Geschichte der Yi-Dynastie und der deutschkoreanischen Beziehungen bis 1910

Hans-Alexander, Globetrotter, Abenteurer, Goldgräber. Auf deutschen Spuren im alten Korea. Mit einem Abriss zur Geschichte der Yi-Dynastie und der deutschkoreanischen Beziehungen bis 1910

Authors: Klaus Dittrich
( 16 downloads)
Abstract

The present book is a major contribution to the history of the German community in Korea during the last years of the Chosŏn (Joseon) Dynasty. Its title translates into English as Globetrotters, Adventurers, Gold Diggers. German Traces in Old Korea: With an Outline of the History of the Yi Dynasty and German-Korean Relations until 1910. The author, Hans-Alexander Kneider, is a professor of German language and literature at Hanguk University of Foreign Studies. The volume is published by Iudicium, a Munich based publishing house that is well established in German language scholarship on East Asia. After a first hardbound edition had been published in 2009, this is the second corrected edition in a paperback format.

Keywords: Alexander, Globetrotter, Abenteurer
The Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) : Japanese National Integration and Construction of the Korean “Other”

The Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) : Japanese National Integration and Construction of the Korean “Other”

Authors: Kyu Hyun Kim
( 14 downloads)
Abstract

The significance of the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) for the evolution of the international relations in East Asia in the twentieth century as well as the unfolding of national histories in China, Japan and Korea has been long recognized. Historiographically speaking, diplomatic relations, military strategies and political intrigues have received a lion’s share of attention. In the present essay, I would like to focus on the cultural and social impact of the war on construction of dual images: the changing Japanese self-image of themselves as a “citizen-subject” of an integrated nation, and the image of Koreans as the “Other” to be colonized and civilized. I will examine some of the more recent studies of the Sino-Japanese War that have adopted the approaches of social and cultural history as well as some of the late nineteenth century Japanese discourses on the war, expressed through various forms of civilian news media and popular culture. The goal is to situate these discursive activities in the proper context of the political, military and diplomatic relations surrounding the war, bridging the artificial gap created between these diverse approaches. I hope that this brief exercise will help illuminate an important conjuncture in Japanese history, to which the processes of “national integration” and “imperial expansion” of Japan were converged, resulting in a new type of Asian nation-state that had accepted imperial wars as a critical component of its identity, and how such processes paved the way for the eventual rationalization for colonization of the Korean people.

Keywords: The First Sino-Japanese War, The Qing Empire, Joseon Korea, Meiji Japan, Japanese news media, woodblock prints, nationalism, national integration, Japanese imperialism, war propaganda, war heroes
The Outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War and the Issue of Suzerain-Vassal as Viewed from the Standpoint of Chosŏn

The Outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War and the Issue of Suzerain-Vassal as Viewed from the Standpoint of Chosŏn

Authors: Mori Mayuko
( 33 downloads)
Abstract

The Sino-Japanese War was a watershed incident in the history of modern East Asia. Two different orders coexisted in East Asia prior to the Sino-Japanese War. One was the Sinocentric order centering on the Qing dynasty and the other was the treaty-based order rooted in international law. However, the former collapsed after the Sino-Japanese War and was in effect amalgamated into the latter. In this regard, attention should be focused on how the suzerain-vassal relationship between Chosŏn (Joseon) and Qing, which collapsed as a result of the Sino-Japanese War, was discussed during the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. This study analyzes this issue from the standpoint of Chosŏn. The present study focuses only on events within Chosŏn. To be more specific, the present study focuses on the Japanese Legation in Chosŏn and the Chosŏn government. Although the Convention of Tianjin reached in 1885 outwardly expressed the equality of Qing and Japan, Japan experienced a slight lowering of its status. Meanwhile Qing saw its international status within East Asia heightened after 1885. Buoyed by its enhanced standing, Qing proceeded to strengthen its interference in the internal affairs of Chosŏn. Chosŏn responded to this by implementing a foreign policy that was based on the notion of its independence in its capacity as an independent vassal state. For its part, Japan refused to accept the suzerain-vassal relationship between Qing and Chosŏn. However, as its priority was to amend the unequal treaty with Great Britain, it did not want to create a conflict with Qing by openly questioning the suzerain-vassal relationship. As such, Japan could not overtly put an end to the talk about independence that was taking place within Chosŏn. The international order in East Asia after 1885 was one in which a balance was maintained through the interaction of factors such as Qing-Chosŏn relations that were based on the independence of the vassal state, the superficially equal Qing-Japan relations stipulated by the Convention of Tianjin of 1885, and Chosŏn-Japan relations that resulted in the delaying of the independence of Chosŏn, prior to the Sino-Japanese War. However, the assassination of Kim Okkyun and the dispatch of the Qing army to Chosŏn to suppress the Tonghak (Donghak) Peasant Uprising in 1894 had the effect of spurring the Japanese government to lean toward war. Weary of the Western powers, the Japanese government avoided mentioning the suzerainvassal issue during the process that led up to the outbreak of the war, and instead highlighted the fact that its focus was on internal reform within Chosŏn. Meanwhile, the Japanese Legation in Chosŏn sought to induce war by raising the suzerain-vassal issue and highlighting the independence of Chosŏn. However, the disruption of their communication networks ensured that the Japanese government and Japanese Legation could not air out the differences in their respective positions. Eventually, the Japanese Legation fired the proverbial shot that led to the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War by proceeding to use the discretionary rights it had been granted by the Japanese government as its cover to occupy the royal palace. This study also analyzes the Chosŏn government’s responses during the same period. The Sino-Japanese War was set off by the Chosŏn government’s request that, in accordance with the suzerain-vassal relationship that existed between the two, Qing dispatch troops in order to quell the Tonghak Peasant Uprising. In accordance with the tenets of the Convention of Tianjin, Japan responded to Qing’s dispatch of troops to Chosŏn by sending in its own troops. The two armies continued to be stationed in Chosŏn even after the Tonghak Peasant Uprising had been suppressed. Desiring to induce the support of Qing based on the suzerainvassal relationship, the Chosŏn government opened a line of communication that ran from the Governor of P yŏngan (Pyeongyang) province to the Ambassador to Qing and the Tianjin Customs (and Li Hongzhang). At the same time, based on the articles pertaining to intervention found in the treaties it had signed with the Western powers, the Chosŏn government implored the representatives of both countries to withdraw their troops from Chosŏn. But, the Chosŏn government's attempts failed to prevent the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. However, the Chosŏn government’s desire to maintain the dual international order composed of suzerain-vassal relations and the treaty-based system right shortly before the outbreak of the war implies that Chosŏn’s foreign policy cannot be understood solely from the standpoint of the modernization of diplomacy.

Keywords: Sino-Japanese War, suzerain-vassal relations, treaty-based system, Chosŏn government, Japanese government, Japanese Legation in Chosŏn
Establishing the Rules of Engagement : American Protestant Missionaries, the U.S. Legation, and the Chosŏn State, 1884-1900

Establishing the Rules of Engagement : American Protestant Missionaries, the U.S. Legation, and the Chosŏn State, 1884-1900

Authors: Paul S. Cha
( 14 downloads)
Abstract

This article revisits the issues of extraterritoriality and unequal treaties during the “open ports” period. These two concepts typically conjure images of coercion and of separation between the Chosŏn government and foreigners like missionaries. While not denying the existence of coercion, this article directs focus to how American Protestant missionaries, the U.S. legation, and the Chosŏn state engaged in a contest to define the terms of their relationships during the “open ports” period. To begin with, missionaries were unlike most other groups of foreigners coming to the country during the late nineteenth century. Unlike merchants and traders, missionaries aimed to settle down in Chosŏn Korea as many spent years if not decades in the country. They traversed the countryside, created complex networks of relations, and became integral parts of many local communities. Furthermore, missionaries specifically attempted to spread a religion that the Chosŏn government had banned since the start of the nineteenth century. For these reasons, missionaries often became embroiled in conflicts with local officials and these conflicts often involved unequal treaties and extraterritoriality. The conventional wisdom holds that missionaries, disgruntled over the lack of religious freedom, called on unequal treaties and extraterritoriality to have the U.S. legation intercede on their behalf to win from the Chosŏn state the right to proselytize. This interpretation, however, simplifies a complex relationship between American missionaries, the U.S. legation, and the Chosŏn state. First, while they may have shared some common interests, missionaries and U.S. officials represented two distinct groups possessing two distinct sets of objectives. To convince the U.S. legation to intercede on their behalf, missionaries needed to base their claims on specific laws rather than abstract notions of religious freedom. Secondly, the significance of unequal treaties and extraterritoriality was that they allowed the U.S. legation to play a role in mediating disputes between missionaries and the Chosŏn government and “teaching” the latter how a “civilized” and “modern” government operated. In this manner, rather than simple separation, extraterritoriality and unequal treaties played an important role in determining the rules of engagement between foreigners like missionaries and the Chosŏn state. To demonstrate this process and dynamic, this article examines two disputes: the P’yŏngyang Persecution (1894) and the Taegu Incident (1900). Taken together, these two disputes played an important role in securing the “right” of missionaries to reside outside of treaty ports. The conventional interpretations of these two events has been that they proved the power of Christianity to the Korean populace and was one major reason why so many in the P’yŏngyang area converted after 1894. This article demonstrates, in contrast, that the significance of the P’yŏngyang Persecution and the Taegu Incident extends beyond the issue of demonstrating the power of Christianity. These contests between missionaries and the Korean state represented a struggle to define the grounds on which their relationships would proceed. As the term “contest” suggests, this article will demonstrate that missionaries and the U.S. legation were not as powerful nor the Chosŏn government as weak as is commonly believed.

Keywords: extraterritoriality, unequal treaties, American Protestant missionaries, Chosŏn government, P’yŏngyang Persecution, Taegu Incident, state-making, Kabo and Kwangmu Reforms
The Political Nature of the Oriental Discourse of the Hwangsŏng sinmun : With a Special Focus on the Notion of an Oriental Identity

The Political Nature of the Oriental Discourse of the Hwangsŏng sinmun : With a Special Focus on the Notion of an Oriental Identity

Authors: Yun-hee Kim
( 19 downloads)
Abstract

Existing studies on the formation of Korean modern nationalism have regarded the Oriental discourse that took place during the final period of the 19th century and early 20th century as a perception that failed to move beyond a Sinocentric order based on Confucianism and as one that essentially needed to be overcome during the process of forming nationalism. Such perceptions have led the Oriental discourse advanced by Hwangsŏng sinmun (Hwangseong sinmun; The Capital Gazette) to be regarded as a sign that traditional thinking methods continued to linger during the formation of anti-Japanese nationalism. However, these standpoints should now be reconsidered. As Hwangsŏng sinmun published strong anti-Japanese oriented editorials and promoted the notion of national identity during the period that surrounded the Ŭlsa Treaty of 1905 (Japan-Korea Protectorate Treaty of 1905) and Chŏngmi Treaty of 1907 (Japan-Korea Treaty of 1907), it can also be regarded as not having overcome the Oriental discourse. Hwangsŏng sinmun hailed Confucian morality as an identity that the Orient should preserve and critically assailed Japan’s encroachment and the violent resistance waged by the righteous armies (ŏibyŏng; euibyeong) through the lens of Confucian morality. The double intentionality structure composed of the Oriental and national discourses moved in the direction of support for the notion of Korea as a protectorate. While the Oriental discourse that took place amidst asymmetrical relations between Korea and Japan was designed to support the ideology of an Oriental civilization led by Japan, the national discourse rooted in a Confucian culture that served as the national identity constituted an ideological mechanism through which capabilities were developed under the protectorate system. The Oriental discourse advanced by Hwangsŏng sinmun, which encompassed the national discourse, was a conservative political discourse that fostered the preservation of the protectorate.

Keywords: Oriental, homogeneity, identity, nation, protectorate, Hwangsŏng sinmun(The Capital Gazette), Tongnip sinmun (The Independent), (human) race, alliance
The Korean National Defense Student Defense Corps and the Manufacturing of Warrior-type Students in Its Incipient Days

The Korean National Defense Student Defense Corps and the Manufacturing of Warrior-type Students in Its Incipient Days

Authors: Chong-myong Im
( 17 downloads)
Abstract

Before and after the official inauguration of the Republic of Korea (ROK), not a few South Korean students opposed the polity, resisting it even at the cost of their lives. They vehemently inveighed against the polity for its factionality and regionality. In other words, they criticized the ROK for not being a nation-state from the standpoint of nationalism. Their ardent nationalist activism drove them to a variety of acts of opposition to the establishment of the ROK. Sometimes they engaged in actual, physical resistance, such as the Y?-Sun Uprising of October 1948. This not only gave a great shock to ROK authorities but also created an atmosphere of terror among ROK supporters. Seized with terror, ROK authorities desperately came up with counter-measures, putting them in action for the sake of the security of the ROK. As could be expected, the authorities went to every length to muzzle their opponents, to suppress all the subversive activities, and to eradicate dissident elements in schools. As a part of such efforts, they developed numerous and varied countermeasures in cooperation with related official agencies. The police, the Counter Intelligence Corps, and even the armies waged a campaign of purging all nonconformist elements from schools. They arrested suspicious students at will, severely interrogated them, and put some of them on trial while releasing others. The purge campaign pulverized almost all organized dissidences and critical student organizations, driving them out of schools. Then, ROK authorities established the Korean National Defense Student Corps (KNDSC) in middle schools and colleges across the country. After preparatory works such as organizing KNDSC units at the school level, the ROK Department of Education officially inaugurated the KNDSC in April 1949. The KNDSC was a typical example of a highly centralized top-down state institution in terms of its organizational process and structure. Also, it expressed other characteristics of a paramilitary organization in its primary motive for institutionalization, military drills as its primary activity, collective training in military ways, and other military-fashion practices. These characteristics of the KNDSC helped ROK authorities construct a system of surveillance over individual students and schools and to maintain strict control over them. Also, these characteristics facilitated the official agenda of manufacturing political subjects loyal to the ROK. KNDSC authorities tried to remold South Korean students for the sake of the ROK. For this purpose, authorities used military discipline and also collective training methods such as mass rallies and athletic meetings. These programs were developed to let students acquire military knowledge and skills and practices required for a warrior as well as healthy bodies. As important as, or more important than, practical training were the effects that collective training produced. All kinds of mass rallies and school ceremonies were exploited to transform an individual student into a collective being and ultimately collectivize all students. What draws our attention was that the collectivization of students called on the exploitation of elements of Korea’s past, such as hwarang of ancient Silla and the March First Movement of 1919. The authorities, referring to Korea’s past history, tried to nurture students as self-sacrificing warriors willing to die for the ROK. In this way, the KNDSC used every available means to fashion warriortype students in tandem with the contemporary ROK agenda of producing warrior-kungmin (國民). This constituted the contemporary political implication of the KNDSC in its incipient days from its inauguration to the outbreak of the Korean War.

Keywords: the Republic of Korea, the Korean National Defense Student Corps(大韓學徒護國團), the Yŏ-Sun Uprising, the purge campaign, highly centralized topdown state organization, paramilitary organization, military drill, collective training, mass rally, school ceremony, military-fashion practice, surveillance, control, disciplinary institution, political subject, warrior-kungmin (國民), warrior-type student, collectivization, militarization
The Development of the Discussions on Unification during the Early Post-Cold War Era : Competition and Coexistence between the Government and Nongovernment Sector

The Development of the Discussions on Unification during the Early Post-Cold War Era : Competition and Coexistence between the Government and Nongovernment Sector

Authors: Ji-hyung Kim
( 34 downloads)
Abstract

This study analyzes the discussions pertaining to unification and the characteristics of the unification movement during the Roh Tae Woo regime, in power during the early post-Cold War era. More to the point, this article examines the competition and coexistence that existed between the government and nongovernment sector with regards to this issue. Amidst the onset of the post-Cold War Era, the Roh Tae Woo (No T΄aeu) government undertook an active engagement policy towards North Korea that can be characterized by the establishment of the Nordpolitik policy and the July 7th Declaration (Special Declaration for National Self-Esteem, Unification, and Prosperity). The advent of a wide range of North-South Korean talks, including high-level ones, paved the way for the two Koreas to establish a new milestone in their relationship in the form of the adoption of the Inter-Korean Basic Agreement, an agreement that highlighted the uniqueness of the inter-Korean relationship. The North’s attitude during the process that led up to the establishment of the Inter-Korean Basic Agreement can be regarded as one based on the posture of defensive coexistence. This came as part of their attempts to overcome the post-Cold War crisis marked by the collapse of the socialist bloc. On the other hand, South Korea played an active leadership role and served as the driving force behind this process. All of this led to the development of a new international paradigm known as the simultaneous ascension of North-South Korea to the UN taking root on the Korean peninsula. However, internal and external factors associated with the erosion of the inter-Korean relationship, in the form of intentional attempts by the hard-line faction within the government to derail the inter-Korean relationship as well as the nuclear standoff between the United States and North Korea, were also clearly exposed during this process. Here, special attention should be drawn to the fact that the intentional stress placed on the inter-Korean relationship by those who adopted a hard-line towards the North was closely related to the presidential election strategy endorsed by conservative political forces. This period also saw an explosive growth in nongovernment sector led discussions regarding unification and related unification movements, as well as in inter-Korean exchange campaigns within all classes of society. A series of events, including the campaign for the holding of inter-Korean student talks and for the joint organization of the Olympics, had the effect of making exchanges with the North a key issue within society. At the same time, this growing interest in North Korea resulted in the emergence of the phenomenon known as the “Movement to Develop a Proper Understanding of North Korea.” Doubts started to be raised about the logic of the conservative power, which during the Cold War Era had propped up the authoritative dictatorship in the name of anticommunism. There was also an exponential growth in intellectual curiosity regarding North Korea, curiosity that was rooted in the notion of silsa kusi (實事求是, silsa gusi, seeking truth from facts). Nongovernment sector-based unification movements eventually splintered into those that were friendly towards North Korea and those that were critical of it. The emergence of the Pan-Korean Alliance for Reunification(PKAR), which adopted tripartite cooperation (two Koreas and the international community), and of the search for a new unification structure that respected the values of various unification movements in Korea, was in fact the result of conflicting understandings of North Korea that existed within the various unification movements. As such, the discussions over unification carried out by the various nongovernment unification groups, which began to exhibit a multilayered structure, became an internal competition of sorts. During this process, the government, which intended to curb discussions on unification within the nongovernment sector based on the principle of ‘single-window’ negotiations with the North, maintained strained relations with nongovernment unification groups. Thus, the discussions on unification between the government and nongovernment sector during the post-Cold War era entered a new era in which both sides found themselves having to compete in an attempt to influence the other amidst an environment in which they were increasingly conscious of each other.

Keywords: post-Cold War, discussions on unification, inter-Korean relationship, Nordpolitik, July 7th Declaration, Inter-Korean Basic Agreement, North-South Koreas’ simultaneous joining of the UN, manipulation of presidential directives, Movement to develop a Proper Understanding of North Korea, visits to North Korea, principle of a ‘single-window, ’ emergence of the Pan-Korean Alliance for Reunification (PKAR), new unification structure
Measures to Stimulate the Study of the Chosŏn Era Using Ancient Documents : With a Special Focus on Microhistorical Methodologies

Measures to Stimulate the Study of the Chosŏn Era Using Ancient Documents : With a Special Focus on Microhistorical Methodologies

Authors: Kyoung-mok Chon
( 13 downloads)
Abstract

Ancient documents are of great value as historical materials. This is because they vividly reflect images of society and everyday life during traditional eras. Over the past twenty years, Korean academics have paid close attention to these asp1ects. This has resulted in the collection of items that had heretofore been scattered across the nation. These include ancient documents housed in sŏwŏn (seowon; private academies) and hyanggyo (county public schools) and those related to the head families of various family clans. The ancient documents housed in research institutes such as Kyujanggak (Gyujanggak) and Changsŏgak (Jangseogak) have also been reorganized and studied. This process has led to the uncovering and collection of some one million ancient documents and to their steady publication as part of the collection of materials. The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies of Seoul National University has published some forty volumes of ancient documents; meanwhile, the Academy of Korean Studies’ Institute for Changsŏgak Archival Research has published around 100 volumes. Scores of collections of materials have also been published by various university museums and libraries.

Keywords: Stimulate, Chosŏn Era, Ancient Documents
The Korean through a Prism of the Soviet-Japanese Relations(1920-1930)

The Korean through a Prism of the Soviet-Japanese Relations(1920-1930)

Authors: Zhanna G. Son
( 12 downloads)
Abstract

After clearing of the Far East interventionist in 1922-1923 the main task of the young Soviet state was the establishment of diplomatic relations between Moscow and Tokyo. Representatives of the USSR and Japan had been signed on January, 20th 1925 “the Convention on main principles of mutual relations between the USSR and Japan”. The memorandum of general Tanaka Giiti (on July, 25th, 1927) about bases of a policy in Manchuria and Mongolia predetermined aggressive plans of Japan not only these territories, but also Russia. Koreans in territory of the Soviet Far East have appeared “hostages” of two countries USSR and Japan. Changes in foreign policy between these countries directly were reflected in destiny of the Soviet Koreans. Since 1927 in Korea from the Japanese government repressions and persecutions in relation to Koreans have amplified. In USSR Koreans began to accuse of “the Japanese espionage”. Repressions have amplified in 1931-1932 and in 1937-1938.

Keywords: Soviet-Japanese relations, Korean people in the USSR, Comintern, political repressions

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