Ruś Zakarpacka w polityce międzynarodowej w okresie międzywojennym
Journal Title: Przegląd Wschodni - Year 2018, Vol 14, Issue 56
Abstract
Transcarpathia in the inter-war period was not classed, maybe apart from the last two years, in the group of significant international problems. It was joined to Czechoslovakia by a lucky coincidence. For Prague, possession of this small country had become an important element of the raison d’état, resulting in a merger with the ally of the Little Entente – Romania. In order to gain this land and garner support among its inhabitants, and from the Transcarpathian diaspora beyond the Ocean, the Czechs undertook certain international obligations (for example a peace treaty with Austria) and internal ones (a constitution), granting Rus autonomy. For Hungarians loss of this territory, which as a result of the First World War deprived the majority of their historical heritage, was painful and where until recently they had wielded economic and political power and formed a significant minority. The Hungarian government supported the irredentist tendencies there, among not only the Magyar community but also among the Slavic population of Transcarpathia, disappointed with the indefinite postponement of promised autonomy. As both supporters of Rusophile and Ukrainian orientation could be found here, although for a long time they were not directly defined. Funds were flowing from Budapest into the Russophile party of the AZS. Poland was also interested in Rus, which is understandable due to its proximity, its Ukrainian problems, as well as tense relations with Czechoslovakia. Poland tried to neutralize the influences of Ukrainophiles in Rus, as well as in Budapest, supporting the Russophile irredentists and even inspiring the emergence of a new party – RNAP (1935). The problem was the rivalry of both autonomist parties, dissolved in 1938, after Poland gave its Zakarpattia oblast to Hungary. Diplomatic relations between Poland and Hungary were strained, unclear, and often riddled with rumors and repeated sensational information about the treatment of Rus by Prague as a means to obtain the dream ally - Russia. Who knows if some of these sensations were not even created by meddling parties on the Danube or Vistula. Both countries wanted a common border, and Rus was good for it. The problem of Rus became a more important factor in the international game in 1938–1939. The crisis in Czechoslovakia brought back to the matter of postponed autonomy. Facing this chance, but also due to the troubles of Prague, even disputes between these two Slavic groups ceased for a while. After the Munich tragedy, autonomy was implemented in the first decade of October 1938. After two weeks, the main power in the land was acquired by the Ukrainian orientation, with Rev. A. Voloshyn in the role of prime minister, pushing away Russophile rivals and their temporary partners. For Poland and Hungary, this autonomous substitute for statehood was difficult to accept. For Hungary it meant delaying the implementation of their plans for the recovery of their borders and the reconstruction of the Crown of Saint Stephen. For the Second Polish Republic, in turn, it acted as a bad example for its own Ukrainian minority. Both countries attempted to destabilize relations in Rus by carrying out the sabotage-diversionary action of Łom, the aim of which was to bring about the common desired border.
Authors and Affiliations
Michał Jarnecki, Piotr Kołakowski
Keywords
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